Binghamton Press and Sun Bulletin December 11, 2022 Page A12
When COVID hit, the doors to state facilities slammed shut to visitors. Two years later, families regularly visit loved ones in nursing homes, all state prisons and hospitals.
Yet for the many thousands with friends and relatives locked in county jails, the doors remain closed. It is time for county sheriffs to reopen their jails — and do so fully and transparently.
It takes a struggle to do this, as those of us in Broome County know all too well. As the Vera Institute has documented, our county regularly has the highest jail incarceration rate among all the state’s counties. Here, the sheriff, backed by the county lawyer, steadfastly refused to return to visitation, arguing the danger of COVID.
Local activists associated with Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier (JUST), with the assistance of Legal Services of Central NY, filed a lawsuit this past May charging that visitation is a basic right enshrined in the New York state constitution. State Supreme Court Judge Blaise ruled in our favor, ordering a return to the pre-COVID visitation schedule.
This the sheriff appealed. And lost again. Forced to open, he did so on a truncated schedule in defiance of the court. County lawyers in court — the sheriff refused to appear — reported the schedule came from state Commission of Correction. Yet when asked the commission denied in writing any correspondence with the sheriff on the matter.
JUST now awaits a ruling on its filing charging the sheriff with civil and criminal contempt of court and a return to a full, five-days-a-week schedule.
Broome is but the tip of an invisible and worsening harm syndrome across the state. Visitation is still denied in upstate jails. More grievously, the reopening of jails has circumscribed everywhere the rights and basic humane treatment of the incarcerated, including their families. Visitation hours across the state have been seriously trimmed back, making it impossible for people to visit their sons, daughters, wives, children and friends. Families continue to spend millions on ruinous video and telephone bills; calls from jails are commonly 25 cents per minute, versus less than 4 cents from state prisons. Commissary prices have been raised dramatically, and food and hygiene products increasingly limited. Families are no longer able to order supplemental food packages from Walmart or Amazon to be sent to their loved ones. Even the mailing in of bras and Christian crosses, allowed by state regulations, are turned back. The list of new restrictions under the cover of COVID secrecy accelerates unseen, the denial of humane treatment steadily increases.
Criminologists will tell you that maintaining close contact with families reduces both recidivism and violence in jails. It’s time for state and county authorities to do the right thing: act humanely, morally and legally, and transparently reopen jails across the state.
Bill Martin, of Johnson City, is a founding member of Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier, and professor emeritus of sociology at Binghamton University.
Some good news: Sheriff Harder has lost again. And local activists are celebrating, again. This time it’s not another wrongful death lawsuit, or a state investigation: even worse for the Sheriff and the County, it is the inner workings of the jail.
For years now, County Sheriff Harder has unilaterally prevented hundreds of local residents from visiting their loved ones in his jail. On August 8th, NYS Supreme Court Judge Blaise III decreed that Harder and Broome County had violated the constitutional human rights of those incarcerated in the county jail. Harder has until September 5th to re-open in-person visitation.
The lawsuit was filed by Legal Services of Central New York, on behalf of family members, and Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier, an activist group which had led local protests. When the judge indicated he would rule against the County and Sheriff, Harder disingenuously proposed a few hours of visitation on a few days a week, which would have cut former jail visiting hours by over 80%. The judge rejected this outright, requiring instead a return to the pre-pandemic visiting schedule with social distancing. Those incarcerated in the jail, and their families and friends outside, are ecstatic at the prospect of family visiting again.
Of the 300 local residents in the jail, fewer than 50 are convicted and serving time—almost all the rest are awaiting trial, largely on misdemeanor charges. When COVID struck and courts closed, the jail was closed to outsiders. So years have now gone by without persons able to see mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, and beloved neighbors. Not even lawyers could consult privately with defendants and—unlike in other jails—no confidential phone line has ever been provided for the incarcerated to consult with lawyers.
Public and medical facilities everywhere have now opened up. Masks, social distancing, and temperature checks are familiar in all these places. The courts are now open to the public, with trials being held in county courtrooms without mask requirements. Visitation has long returned at hospitals and even nursing homes. All state prisons and many jails have returned to in-person visitation, including jails in surrounding counties.
But not in Broome County. Why? Is it just stubbornness and meanness on the part of the Sheriff and the county executive and legislators who support and finance him?
Follow the money: how to profit from COVID
One suspects it is financial and political power at stake: there is too much money involved, and one dare not challenge the powerful and unchecked Sheriff, long backed by the County Executive and county legislators. Turning truth on its head, they will tell you visitation is too costly, it would require too many officers to reopen visitation.
What they won’t tell you is that it takes only 3 or 4 officers to staff the visitation room. And that Harder has a budget—over $30 million—that grows every year and now pays for over 190 correctional officers. And he hasn’t got three persons to manage visitation again?
Restricting in-person visitation has a financial logic: COVID was used to channel yet more money into Harder’s hands, some from the county coffers, and over $1 million from families of the incarcerated. How? Well, the county just gave him $7 million more from federal COVID recovery funds, money that might have been directed to the desperately needed and severely underfunded youth, mental health, and substance use programs.
Does any elected official take a look at Harder’s expenditures ? Despite protests by local activists, the jail was expanded in 2016, in order to increase its size to 600 beds, at a cost of another $7 million. In recent years the jail population has fallen from over 500 to below 300 local residents, of which less than 50 are convicted of any crime and serving time. One doesn’t need to look any further than the jail budget to find fiscal irresponsibility. How does funding inexorably get increased while the number incarcerated falls so significantly?
The result? The cost to incarcerate one person is now over $100,000 per year, more than double what it was five years ago.
Year $ per person
2016 $51,447
2017 $53,992
2018 $59,563
2019 $61,282
2020 $90,251
2021 $74,510
2022 $106,881 (Jan-June average)
For the cost of holding one person awaiting trial for a year on a misdemeanor charge, the county could send 17 local youth to SUNY-Broome tuition-free. That’s the price of excess policing, prosecution and incarceration.
And these figures don’t include the Sheriff’s personal slush funds, unaccounted for in the county budget, that nevertheless accumulated rapidly due to COVID. How so? With visitation closed, families turned to expensive phone and then video calls. While it costs less than 4 cents (a minute?) to call your family from a state prison, it costs 25 cents from Harder’s jail. And due to county contracts, the Sheriff skims off 44% of all phone call costs. More flows in from video calls, video viewing, and selling goods at unbelievable prices in commissary (and, yes, outside shipments from vendors were outlawed).
Profits from telephone calls alone doubled from 2019 to 2021, reaching over $1 million per year now, according to FOIL data. Video and commissary profits have to be added on top of that. All this flows into the Sheriff’s private hands. State laws require profits from commissary be spent on the rehabilitation of the incarcerated. So how is Harder allowed to spend his profits on armored personnel carriers, lawnmowers, and retirement parties? Of course, the county auditor won’t follow up. Is it any wonder that COVID has been so good to Harder’s personal piggy bank?
More losses coming, political and personal
JUST’s victory is a strike for justice for the poor and disproportionately Black residents who are channeled into the jail. It follows in the footsteps of a series of punishing state investigations and lawsuits lost by the county. And yet, the county may face more losses:
The Husar family filed a $5 million lawsuit over the wrongful death of their son
The beating of a Black/Latino youth is being contested in a court filing
The abuse of a trans women is contested in another suit
Akshar kicking off Harder’s 2018 re-election campaign
Harder wasn’t among the 75 local officials and Sheriffs in attendance, and hasn’t said anything publicly on the matter since. However, he donated his outstanding campaign funds to his current department spokesperson, Captain Newcomb, who switched party affiliation from Republican to Democrat and is running against Akshar.
So don’t expect much change at the jail, regardless of who wins: both candidates have long records of service in the secrecy and abuse that surrounds the jail. Both have been involved in local scandals as deputies under Harder. Local activists and lawyers are likely to stay busy well after the coming electoral season.
Akshar for Sheriff campaign launch 2021: not a Harder in sight
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