Trump’s Deportation War: NY Sheriffs to the Rescue?

April 14, 2025 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Trump ran his campaign on the promise to deport millions of migrants, refugees, and asylees. How is he doing?

So far, it’s bluster and a mad scramble to hit deportation targets. At present rates there is no prospect of deporting a million, much less the millions promised throughout Trump’s 2024 campaign. Trump isn’t happy, and a relaunch is underway. What does Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) need to fulfill Trump’s fevered deportation dreams? $ Billions more, yes, but in New York it all rests on local law officers, especially county sheriffs.

The opening salvos in Trump’s deportation drive were impressive: the Laken Riley bill, passed with the support of 48 Democratics, turned accusations of minor crimes such as stealing diapers, a slice of pizza, or squatting in an empty building into criminal, deportable convictions. More eye-catching were made-for-TV spectacles of ICE teams dispatched into their feared zones of “sanctuary” cities. In Chicago it was Dr. Phil traipsing after ICE officers with a media posse in tow, in New York City it was Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem riding along with bulletproof-vested officers into the heart of the Bronx. Then came the attack on the international students at visibly elite universities, from Mahmoud Khalil at Columbia to Momodou Taal at Cornell.

Meanwhile proclamations issue forth announcing the termination of longstanding immigration agreements and regulations, turning people with residential status into illegal criminals. One after another Trump and his appointees announced the elimination of birthright citizenship, asylum appointments, refugee admissions, temporary protect status, parole granted to Haitians, Cubans, Nicaraguans, and Venezuelans among others, and student visas and green cards.

Yet the results to date have been thin. Planned before Trump came into office, the lurid big raids that produced nearly 2,000 ICE arrests a day in late January fell away. ICE’s easy target lists are empty. By mid-February arrests had fallen to fewer than 600 per day, far below the 2700 needed to reach one million a year. ICE stopped reporting figures. Kristi Noem removed top law enforcement officers at ICE. In Trump’s first term total deportations reached 1.5 million, half as many as in Obama’s first term. The latest March data show that at the current pace it’s hard to imagine these levels ever being reached.

Will Sheriffs Ride to the Rescue?

A baseline flow of deportations does continue from the everyday and unnoticed arrests conducted by city, county, and state law enforcement officers. Stop someone on a highway or a city street and hold them for a misdemeanor, and their fingerprints can be taken and made available to ICE databases as part of the booking process. Any success by ICE in driving deportation numbers exponentially upward depends however on a radical change in local police support. County sheriffs and city police officers would need to take on the grinding task of seeking out and arresting those wanted by ICE and holding them in county jails.

It is this imperative to mobilize local police that led to the dropping of Federal corruption charges against New York City Mayor Adams: it is access to the files and cells of Rikers Island that ICE needs most. And Trump’s much publicized threat to prosecute the Sheriff of Tompkins County, home to Cornell University and Ithaca, one of New York State’s few “sanctuary cities”? His crime: releasing an undocumented man after his sentence was served.

Yet New York’s local police and sheriffs already cooperate readily with ICE. ICE was told of the Ithaca man’s pending release and given every opportunity to obtain him but failed to do so. New York Governor Hochul, New York City Mayor Adams and local police chiefs and county sheriffs regularly state they do report to ICE undocumented persons that fall under their control. What ICE wants is much more. But how to entice or force sheriffs and local police chiefs to submit to the direct supervision of ICE and reallocate their officers to some or all of the ICE tasks of searching out, capturing, arresting, housing and transporting more migrants, refugees, and asylees?

Relaunching the 287(g) project

Homeland Security has long tried to bind together sheriffs, city police, and ICE. Since 1996 the 287(g) program has allowed Homeland Security to train and deputize local officers to identify, process, and detain undocumented persons. The most infamous example remains Maricopa, Arizona Sheriff Joe Arpaio’s use of 287(g) authority to racially profile and illegally detain Latinos, for which he was convicted in 2012 only to be pardoned by Trump in 2017.

The majority of sheriffs, county governments, and police have rejected such alliances, fearing the loss of control over their own forces, the hostility and noncooperation of their own poor and migrant residents, and lawsuits over racially and ethnically discriminatory stops and arrests. Fewer than 100 of the over 15,000 local police and sheriff’s offices participated at the end of Trump’s first presidency. As 2025 dawned, only one of New York’s 62 counties, Rensselaer, had a 287(g) agreement with Homeland Security.

The new administration promises to do better. On January 20th Trump issued Executive Order (EO) 14159, Protecting the American People Against Invasion, authorizing ICE to expand and enforce 287(g) authorizations. Several states including Georgia and Florida are moving to require all local law enforcement agencies to participate. New 287(g) models now exist for three modes of engagement: training local officers to take on full ICE duties and powers, participation in multi-agency deportation task forces, and housing ICE detainees and enforcing ICE powers in local jails. The returns so far are mixed. New cities and counties have joined, largely from southern and western states, most notably Texas and Florida.

And New York? In February Nassau County signed a 287(g) agreement, setting aside 50 jail cells for migrants and deputizing 10 detectives to make immigration arrests outside the jail. The New York Post, ever agitating for more law and order, enthusiastically promoted the model: “Rensselaer and Nassau—the only two New York Counties that partner with ICE so closely—provide blueprints for local leaders statewide.” In February 2025 one more joined the effort, the Lake Placid police department (although it has since disappeared from online listings). In March 2025 the Broome County Sheriff, long a Trump supporter, announced he would participate in the Warrant program but only to serve ICE warrants on persons already in his jail. The other 59 of 62 New York counties remain outside the program as do city police forces. It’s a slow pace. Diverting local officers to ICE duties and supervision still remains, it seems, unattractive in both urban and rural counties.

Follow the Detention Money: $ Billions

Trump’s not giving up: attacks on migrants remained the centerpiece of his recent speech to Congress. What is needed to turn this around seems to be cold hard cash. “Border Czar” Tom Homans tells Congress ICE is out of money and he needs more money, more agents, and soon. Republican budget bills propose up to $175 billion for immigration and border enforcement; ICE’s entire budget in 2024 was $8.5 billion. But will even a fraction of the promised billions make the difference in locating, detaining, housing, and deporting people?

The problem is not detention space, not with the funding on offer. The are plenty of empty public and private prisons, county jails, military bases, and even college dormitories. Jails are particularly attractive as staffed and approved incarceration spaces, and jail populations have fallen significantly. And sheriffs, unlike police chiefs, are independent operators, largely free from external controls. They cannot be recalled. Many have long been Trump supporters. Many sheriffs have long had Intergovernmental Service Agreement contracts to incarcerate persons for the United States Marshals Service (USMS) and ICE (e.g. Broome, Tioga, Albany counties). In 2018 USMS paid local jails $1 billion to hold pretrial detainees, while ICE paid $340 million to detain migrants.

In New York it has been a steady revenue stream for county budgets. As the Sheriff of Albany county put it in 2018, “When we bring boarders in that offsets the cost of the county jail. The county jail for Albany is about $40 million, so this year I’m anticipating bringing in about $8 million so obviously that’s going to drop the tax burden on the taxpayers;” $4.5 million of that was for ICE detainees. Federal prisoners and detainees occupy over half the cells of the Yates County jail in New York’s Finger Lakes region in 2025. The 2025 Livingston County budget openly proclaims “The jail is still a revenue generator for the county.” In larger counties like Broome along the State’s Southern Tier—with the highest incarceration rate of any of the state’s 62 counties—holding a few dozen persons on Federal charges generates a $1 million or more per year for the Sheriff.

How many of these migrants, asylees, and undocumented persons are and might be held in jails? We don’t know. For years the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse has studiously collected and disseminated detention data, only to be stalled momentarily after Syracuse University removed its files from University servers. It is now available via a new independent home. Its latest report concludes it is impossible to determine who is being arrested, targeted, and deported and as for the future “just what will actually occur remains uncertain.”

Disappearing People

And now more people simply disappear as 287(g) agreements expand. Under previous Biden and Trump regimes undocumented persons were already often held on Federal criminal, rather than ICE charges. This literally disappears people as I found out when a dairy farmworker wrote to me upon the advice of an incarcerated man in a county jail. I could not find him in local sheriff’s listings, ICE detainee locators, or Federal Bureau of Prisons locators. He didn’t exist. Removed and dispatched far from his family he had become, as in so many in authoritarian regimes, isolated and alone, invisible, living in a caged space hidden from family, friends, and allies.

Cross the northern, Canadian border, or even worse in the eyes of Federal and ICE authorities, assist someone to do, and one is sentenced to one or more years in a Federal prison. Sitting in a Federal courthouse in February I watched as the diminutive dairy farm worker, shackled at the waist, hands, and feet, stumbled into the courtroom. His employer sent a letter praising his high skill levels and valued labor. He testified he had come back to the US to see his sick wife and to be a good father to his children. To this the Federal judge violently denounced him and sentenced him to over a year in a Federal prison—after which will be deported to Guatemala. Back to the Broome County jail he went, to be transferred 3 weeks later to the Delaware County jail, where now sits awaiting transfer to a Federal prison. Yet this is no model for increasing deportations. As a Federal Public Defender told me, if we take these cases to trial the (Federal) court system will collapse.

More insidious and hidden is the incipient formation of New York’s very own gulag archipelago as persons captured for deportation are diverted and fed into an ICE transportation network. One node is Broome County jail, where people arrested in central, northern and the southern Tier regions are now being transported. New York has only one detention center in New York State in Batavia near Buffalo with a capacity of 650. Reports from inside the Binghamton jail recount a constant inflow of ICE detainees into and then outward by bus loads to the ICE detention center in Boston.

How many are crisscrossing the state? Local Broome activists estimate over 100 persons have circulated through their jail in only a few weeks, most likely the results of a series of ICE raids across Buffalo, Rochester and the far North that captured over 130 persons. Cells in the Broome jail now have double bunking with multiple pods of 50 people being dedicated to ICE and other Federal prisoners. Why Broome? Expanded in 2016 to cage 600 persons, the jail in the last several years has regularly held half that number of local residents and is fully equipped with disciplinary and medical units. Lacking any records of admissions, we and their families do not know what charges persons are held on, when and how long they are housed, and where they are headed to within New York, the United States and beyond. Disappearing people has now been institutionalized.

Still, this level of cooperation between Federal, state, and local law enforcement remains unable to generate the numbers that Trump demands. What ICE needs is officers to search out individuals on a massive scale, and there are only 5,500 trained ICE agents around the county. New York State alone has over 55,000 officers employed by cities and counties. Will political pressure from Trump, vast sums of money, and threats to cut Federal funding alter the calculations of county sheriffs and municipal police chiefs? Will they take on the duty of searching out, capturing, arresting and housing more migrants, refugees, and asylees? Media spectacles targeted at sanctuary cities and leading anti-Trump activists will undoubtedly continue. Large scale deportation will require much more. Will the funding and political pressure be successful?

Who Fights the Sheriff?

The state trooper came up to my car, leaned in and asked: “Are you here for massage”? I fit the profile: an older white male pulling into the parking lot in front of an Asian massage parlor. He was there with a covey of FBI, Homeland Security and NY State troopers while helicopter and highway patrols lurked in the distance. I had been called out on the morning of February 27, 2025, as part of my community’s nascent rapid response team, alerted to a possible ICE raid. Any arrests had already been made and dispatched. No press releases or police reports have appeared although the raid was noted in local media; the FBI had no comment. Rumors of Asian women being admitted and kept only overnight in the local jail circulated. Without names and booking numbers, it is impossible for local jail activist groups like Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier to find them and assist.

This small incident is but one sign of the emergence of a widespread grassroot support movement across the country. New York City, a longstanding center of resistance and protest, captures the headlines. Less visible is blossoming of new groups in New York’s small and large towns, marshalling support for migrants, refugees, and asylees. Know-your-rights training workshops for migrants and allies have taken place across the state by the Immigrants’ Rights Coalitions, the ACLU, various college migrant rights clinics, the Cornel Farmworkers Project, the Rochester Rapid Response Network, and the Syracuse Immigrant and Refugees Network among others. Latin American students are rallying at colleges and universities. A statewide rapid response network is growing month by month, stretching from Batavia, Buffalo and Rochester in the west, to Syracuse in the center of the state, to Ithaca and Geneva in the Finger Lakes region, to Binghamton along the state’s Southern Tier. Advocates and abolitionists from New York City to the upstate Jails Justice Network are lobbying in Albany for the New York for All Act which would outlaw all local law enforcement working with ICE everywhere in the state. Testimony in city and county legislatures against any engagement by local sheriffs, jails, and city police forces grows. Protests against Sheriffs engaged with 287g have taken place in Binghamton, Ithaca, Rochester, Long Island, and Syracuse among others. A townhall hosted by the Broome County Sheriff was disrupted by scores of persons protesting the Sheriff’s agreement to house scores of detainees in secret. In Sackets Harbor, population of 1400, over 1,000 marched to the home of “Border Czar” Tom Homans protesting the seizure from a dairy farm of a 3^rd grader and his family. As Trump marshals his forces, so too does resistance advance. As uneven as it is, the battle has been joined.

An Eid of Sadness—and Revelation from the County Jail

March 30, 2025 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

A story from the Broome County Jail…

The article by Shahad Ali in Truthout on Eid in Gaza this year was stunning, a grim remembering of what had been joyful Eid days in Gaza past. Yet it captured the spirit of communal celebration and resistance even as Israeli bombs fall from above. Should one send it to the young Black man trying to practice his faith under parallel, difficult conditions, literally caged in our county jail? He had been pressing for services on Jummah, sometimes leading them, filling in the kutbah. Despite the county paying over $100,000 for chaplain services, an Imam for Friday services was not to be found. Were the hotdogs they were being served halal? He didn’t know.

The note was texted to him, with some concern that such a story might be too depressing. Life in jails and prison can test even the most strong…

And then his generous, revelatory response back, a moment of instruction from inside:

“There’s a saying in Islam: The reminder benefits the Believer. So, while this type of news is saddening, it also inspires me to strive against the regimes and people and entities that represent and support such genocides. Whether it be intellectual or spiritually, we must all strive for a better tomorrow…”

ICE Comes to Broome County (updated March 30, 2025)

March 23, 2025 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Update March 30, 2025: the jail is now an ICE detention facility

Both the Sheriff and multiple news agencies reported that the new 287(g) contract with ICE described below was restricted to simply serving warrants on people already in the jail. Yet within three days it was evident that a new flow of ICE detainees were being brought to and incarcerated in the Broome County jail. Multiple sources report an estimated 50 to 60 new people being incarcerated on behalf of ICE, arriving from distant counties along the Canadian border to central New York. They are hidden from public view, denied any legal representation, and kept in conditions of isolation and solitary where they can’t connect to the outside world or have visitors. Their wives, husbands, children and friends do not know where they are or the condition they are in–or even if they are alive. Local employers in central New York have lost some of their most highly skilled workers, from the farms that produce the food we eat to those that provide the daily health and human services our community relies upon.

What can be done? Local legislators at the county and state level need to investigate how this came about, with whose authority, and what the conditions are in the jail. By law, state representatives may enter the jail unhindered. They need to do so and talk to the people being caged there. County legislators need to investigate how the sheriff, unlike other sheriffs in the state, have been able to undertake these commitments and brutalities without any clearance by the legislature which funds the jail’s operations. They need to ask: Who’s paying for all this vast expansion of incarceration? How much violence is generated by stuffing too many people in too many cells with too little support much less supervision? What are the health conditions there as numbers escalate and crowding occurs? Local organizations that work in the jail need to examine the material and moral conditions under which they work, including work by local churches colleges, and NGOs. Can they continue to operate under these new conditions, behind closed doors, with no oversight by local, state or federal agencies?

*****

Five months ago in a newspaper op-ed I raised the question of how Broome County might respond to candidate Trump’s call to deport millions. Today the questions are different: Will Broome County deputies act as ICE agents? Will the Broome County Jail operate as an ICE detention center? All signs indicate that the answers today are yes.

It’s all part of putting into practice Trump’s desires. On January 20, 2025 Trump issued an Executive Order on Protecting the American People Against Invasion, declaring war on migrants, refuges, and asylees. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) was tasked to fulfill his promise to deport millions. After a series of media spectacles the numbers being deported are, however, well below levels achieved during the first administrations of both Trump and Obama. Not even a million at currents rates is in sight.

The use of local law enforcement officers has quickly and quietly become critical. ICE has only 5,500 officers nationwide while in NY State alone there are over 55,000 local police and county officers. If there is any chance of Trump deporting one or more millions, it will require the use of local law enforcement. Including ours in Binghamton and Broome County.

And here enters ICE’s 287(g) project.

ICE’s recently revamped 287(g) program ties local law enforcement to ICE in three possible ways: a jail model to report possible detainees to ICE, a task force model to work with ICE on a limited basis, and a warrant service program to train and certify local correctional officers to act as ICE agents.

This past week local media reported that the Broome County Sheriff has joined two other NY counties in signing a 287(g) agreement, in this case with as a Warrant Service partner (see reports on WIVT/ABC, WBNG/CBS, Press&Sun Bulletin).

ICE 287(g) Participating Agencies

All the media postings described minimal commitment to ICE, with the Sheriff stressing new work was restricted to the jail only. His correctional officers would now simply serve ICE warrants on incarcerated persons directly he said, rather than as in the past notify ICE to do so (see WIVT/ABC report).

This is at best disingenuous.

Ask the obvious question: if jail officers are simply serving a warrant, why are eight to ten needed? Why send them off for training and issue them ICE credentials to be carried at all times? And what does the loss of eight to ten officers—ICE does not cover their salaries—do to the staffing of the jail and the county budget? Do we hire more officers?

Take a look at the details of ICE’s Memorandum of Agreement for the Warrant Service Office Program and many more questions arise.

Should the county be handing over the supervision of its officers to ICE as required (“Immigration enforcement activities conducted by participating LEA [local law enforcement agency] personnel will be supervised and directed by ICE”)?
Who ensures that the Sheriff’s deputies follow mandated “DHS and ICE policies and procedures” (and what are these?)?
Are ICE supervising officers now stationed locally, in the Sheriff’s offices?
What is the new chain of command?
Who hires and pays for new expenses in addition to officers’ worktime for ICE, e.g. required interpreters? (“Qualified foreign language interpreters will be provided by the LEA” (note that none are available in the jail))
And is anyone comfortable with the requirement that the county will give ICE unhindered “access to appropriate databases, personnel, individuals in custody and documents”?

There is of course no oversight of the jail in any of these areas. The County Executive and legislators haven’t said a word. It isn’t clear they were informed or signed off on the commitment to ICE.

Follow the Money?

And who wins and loses not just politically but financially from these arrangements? Here is a clue: as several news reports tell us, the Sheriff ‘anticipates renting out beds in the jail to ICE’. This is in fact a longstanding practice: the 2025 Broome County budget reports $1 million in revenue (2023) from incarcerating on average 25 persons daily for Federal government agencies including ICE. Does this make sense? It now costs over $100,000 per year to keep one person in the jail while the Federal government pays only $40,000 ($1,000,000 divided by 25 = $ 40,000 per person).

Is the intention to increase these numbers driven by ICE’s need for detention spaces? We don’t know. Designed to hold 600 persons, the jail now regularly has around 300 local persons on any given day. If ICE arrests and detentions aided by local officers escalate, what will happen to jail staff workloads, morale, the health and safety of staff and the incarcerated? And the county budget? No approvals appear for new commitments to ICE on the list of county legislative resolutions for the past several months.

Disappearing People?

A hallmark of a movement toward an authoritarian regime is the use of state power to arrest and disappear persons. And now this is happening in the United States—and Broome County. Persons detained under Federal auspices and held in the Broome County jail simply disappear from sight. They are not reported or able to be located on the Sheriff’s App roster, the Federal Bureau of Prisons locator, the ICE locator, or the national VINE search sites. Take the case of an undocumented worker arrested far outside the county, and sent here by Federal authorities on charges for illegal entry only. He’s held for almost a year in our jail, where he is officially invisible, unseen and unheard, locked out of sight to family and friends and allies even after being sentenced.

And others more recently captured in Federal/ICE raids? This past month local media reported that a local massage parlor was raided by a joint task force of the FBI and State Police. Attempts by WBNG/CBS and WIVT/ABC to cover the story were rebuffed, no comment was the response from the FBI. I witnessed part of the raid, involving over dozen marked and unmarked police vehicles and officers—including people wearing HSI/homeland security vests. Who was detained? Sex workers (undocumented?) or sex traffickers? We don’t know, they have been disappeared. Reports from persons in the county jail suggest five Asian woman were kept there for a day and then moved on by ICE. True? Other unconfirmed reports speak of Asian men held briefly in the jail. How would we know? Who in the county or state government knows? Will they too be sued?

What’s next?

In his statements to the press the Sheriff holds open the prospect of expanding his work ‘in the near future’ by assigning deputies to conduct ICE investigations and detentions outside the jail, on the streets and roads of the county. Given his longstanding support and friendship with Trump, this is likely.

For the county this threatens not just a legal and moral morass but potentially a financial one. The County Budget Director and County legislators already fear Musk’s efforts will lead to the loss of an estimated $142 million in federal funding, not including Medicare, Medicaid, SNAP. Perhaps they are holding out the hope that some of this threatening fiscal cliff can be offset by at least a few millions of the $175 billion to be devoted to ICE?

A more likely prospect is diverting to the jail the results of increasing hunger and homelessness across the county, initiated by severe cuts to federal support of central NY food pantries. Under these conditions a return to the past looms and the jail—already the largest substance use and mental health treatment center in the county—can easily become, as in the past, the county poor house.

Hold on to your hats–and watch for the impact on our streets and roads and in our homes.

Broome County Alms House 1876

ICE and Our Local Police: Partners in Surveillance?

March 11, 2025 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Are local police forces turning over data on every car passing on our roads to Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) as part of Trump’s deportation drive? That’s the question raised by a March 12th article in the Guardian on Westchester County NY on “Ice accessed car trackers in sanctuary cities that could help in raids, files show” . From what we know, this would seem to have long been local policy in Binghamton and Broome County.

A year ago I posted an article warning of such possibilities: “Hochul’s Watching You (and so is your local PD). It provides details on the rise of license plate readers (LPRs) deployed by local city police forces, the Broome County Sheriff and SUNY-Binghamton. Governor Hochul recently provided over $1 million to expand the system locally. The Sheriff alone received $840,000.

LPRs collect and distribute data on every passing car through contracts with private corporations, e.g. Flock, whose standard practice is to share and send streams of data to local and Federal law enforcement agencies. LPR data is locally compiled and shared with local, state and federal law enforcement agencies through the recently expanded regional intelligence center, aka “crime analysis center,” housed in the Binghamton Police Department and funded and directed by New York State.

For those working to support undocumented migrants, refugees, and asylees, the danger has always lurked in the background that license plate readers will be used to locate, arrest, and deport persons. Most deportations take place through everyday actions by officers, e.g. after police or sheriff deputies stop persons on streets or cars and discover undocumented persons. Are local cities and the county sheriff sharing the data directly with ICE? One must assume so, given the nature of the contracts with Flock and other corporations. The Sheriff has long celebrated the use of LPRs and has been a vocal Trump supporter. The Broome County jail regularly houses dozens of persons for the Federal government, including pesons held on Federal migration charges, and earns $ 1 million or so every year from doing so. Section 413.4 of the Binghamton Police Department’s Policy Manual explicitly states their officers will contact ICE and hold persons for them. Binghamton University cooperates with the intelligence center as well and has a representative from its force on the center’s board of directors.

We need to know more. Does Flock and other contractors share data and with whom? Do local city and county governments, and SUNY-Binghamton, affirm and validate the collection and distribution of data on everyone to the FBI, CIA, NSA, and ICE? We don’t know. We should. Ask your local representatives.

And next time you drive down Riverside Drive,

or Vestal Parkway

or Main and Floral

or enter the SUNY-Binghamton campus,

do wave to the camera overhead.

How Trump’s immigration policy could impact Binghamton, Broome County

November 15, 2024 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Binghamton Press and Sun-Bulletin Op-Ed, 11/15/2024

How Trump’s immigration policy could impact Binghamton, Broome County

William Martin, Professor Emeritus at Binghamton University, writes about the implications Trump’s deportation policy could have in Broome County.

William Martin

Guest Columnist

Anticipating President-elect Trump’s arrival, they are preparing to close the southern border. Not the United States, but Canada, which is expecting a surge of refugees across its border with the U.S. And New York State is again the passageway from south to north. How will local officials and agencies react?

For Broome County, Trump’s policies portend a bonanza or a disaster depending on where you sit, what forces you control, and whose interests you serve.

The financial benefit is already in place: the county now gets $100 to $300 per day for every federal detainee held in the jail. Indeed it’s a way to maximize county profits by using, as explicitly stated in 2024 County Budget objectives (p153), “available cell space to generate revenue” by housing U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement detainees.

Meanwhile, the county has forcefully acted to prevent refugees from settling here. In May 2023, Democratic County Executive Jason Garnar was among the first of over 30 upstate counties to declare a state of emergency, which prohibited local hotels from housing refugees and migrants. Republican Broome County Sheriff Frederick Akshar promptly dispatched deputies to enforce the order.

Gov. Hochul has recently contributed to the effort by allocating over $2 million to Broome County and local city governments to vastly expand policing and surveillance devices. More identification, stops, and searches are on the way. The Sheriff alone is putting in 65 more cameras with his $834,000, adding to the City of Binghamton’s existing and expanding system. SUNY Binghamton has its own system, too.

Much more is coming. Trump promises that money is no object in the effort to track, detain and hold migrants and refugees. Funding will be in the billions — some estimates run to $1 trillion — raising new possibilities and dangers. Finding millions of migrants will require the assistance of state and local police departments. Nearby federal detainee centers, as in Batavia, have little or no room — thus the reliance already on county jails. Broome County’s jail, expanded in 2016 to house 600 persons, now regularly has less than half that number. Will refugees and migrants soon fill it? Empty local dormitories and apartments — as in the still-vacant Bible School Park complex in Johnson City — are other possibilities.

Broome County has a mixed historical record here, welcoming at times large inflows of migrants, most notably from southern and eastern Europe. In the 1920s during the last Great Depression and worldwide trade war, Binghamton became the state headquarters of the Klu Klux Klan, hosting Klan meetings, hillside cross burnings and hooded parades on Main Street, including marches against non-Protestant, most prominently Catholic and Italian, immigrants.

Faced with radical new federal policies and billions, what will county, city, and police officials do? What plans are being put in place now? How will local community leaders, including pastors and the Broome County Council of Churches, and social service organizations, respond? We do not know. Let the conversation begin, in public.

William Martin is Professor Emeritus, SUNY-Binghamton.

BC Jail: Another death–and a win on calling rates

July 19, 2024 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

First the good news: after much national protest and pressure, the Federal Communication Commission has trimmed back the super-profits of jails and prisons from telephone and video calls. These incredible rates have been generating $ millions for the BC jail’s private contractor and the Sheriff’s own slush fund (he rakes off a 44% cutback as reported here). A new schedule of maximum charges will come into effect on April 1, 2025. For Broome County this would reduce the cost of telephone calls from 25¢ (often much more due to fees) to no more than 7¢, and for video calls from 25¢ or much more to 12¢. All still far too much. More information is here in the report by Prison Policy Initiative.

The sad news: yet another report of an unnecessary death in the BC jail due to medical maltreatment, in a story laying out the malfeasance of the jail’s private medical provider that pursues profit at the cost of death. This time the story from NYFocus starts with the Broome County Jail and covers the whole state:

“Brandon Loori had been locked up in the Broome County Jail for less than a week in May 2022 when he called his mom…”

Perhaps its time for local legislators and pastors to provide some oversight and visit the jail, unannounced, as they are allowed to by state law? Or perhaps the health department might investigate? And where is the County Legislature review inquiry mandated by The State Commission of Correction? The SCOC report on Loori’s deathends with this directive to the Chair of the BC Legislature: “the County Legislature shall review the above findings and conduct an inquiry into the fitness of the currently designated provider.”

As in the past, County Legislators fail to act.

***

Extracts from a highly redacted State Commission of Correction report on Loori’s death (full text here)

FINDINGS:
1. Branden Loori was a 38-year-old male who died on 6/13/22 due to septic emboli to the lung from infective endocarditis following his release from the custody of the Broome County Sheriff at the Broome County Jail (CJ). The Medical Review Board has found that there was a failure by medical staff to perform adequate assessments and recognize clinical indicators that hospitalization was necessary. The Board opines that had Loori been properly assessed and timely transferred to a hospital for diagnosis and treatment, his death may have been prevented….

The Medical Review Board opines that Loori exhibited clear signs of an acute illness, consistent with a possible PE and/or acute coronary syndrome and should have been immediately sent to the hospital for an evaluation at that time….

The Medical Review Board opines that there was a complete failure by the medical staff to properly assess and provide treatment for a gravely ill individual….

The Medical Review Board opines that there was an unacceptable delay of over 48 hours in obtaining hospital level care for Loori and his documented worsening condition. Had Loori been timely sent to a hospital for diagnosis and treatment, his death could have been prevented….

TO THE CHAIR OF THE BROOME COUNTY LEGISLATURE:
As the appointing authority for the delivery of jail incarcerated individual health services pursuant to Correction Law section 501, the County Legislature shall review the above findings and conduct an inquiry into the fitness of the currently designated provider….

Hochul’s Watching You (and so is your local PD)

June 17, 2024 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Hochul’s Watching You (and so is your local PD)

By Bill Martin / June 16, 2024

Get ready: Governor Hochul is now building a mass surveillance system across the upstate region. And it’s coming this month to your local police department and county Sheriff. The end product? Cameras that can record and track every car entering and moving about Broome County, with results transmitted to the regional intelligence center in downtown […]

Enforce the laws: slave labor, abuse and illegalities at the Broome County jail

April 20, 2024 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

On April 18, 2024 Legal Services filed a lawsuit against Sheriff Frederick J. Akshar, Broome County Jail administrator Robert Charpinsky, Corrections Officer Philip Stephens, Broome County, and Trinity Services Group (the jail’s food subcontractor headquartered in Florida). It charges them with enslaving free persons, forced and unpaid labor, harmful and unlawful coercion, and violating state labor laws. Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier has issued a press release with more detail and a call to action. Further reading on prisons, jails and forced labor may be found here.

The Broome County Jail and its Sheriff have lost successive lawsuits over wrongful deaths (Alvin Rios, Salladin Barton, the outstanding Thomas Husar case), sexual and racial abuse (most recently the Holland case), and the beating of youth (the Vega and Legal Services youth case) as reported on this blog and elsewhere in the media. The continuing problem: there is no active oversight as this latest lawsuit shows us yet once again. The State Commission of Correction, consisting of a retired Sheriff and a former NYC Department of Corrections administrator, has proven to be more adept at forcing the building of new jails than protecting the unfortunate persons who end up in county jails. The result is that even the thin laws and regulations formally protecting those in the hidden cells and cages of county jails are widely ignored. The damage is widespread–and thanks to local activists and activists increasingly coming to light.

We need systemic solutions to a systemic problem. JUST closes it press release by (1) calling on local legislators to cosponsor and promote two bills before the State Assembly and Senate that would end slavery and provide new oversight of labor in state prisons (but not jails in the bill, yet), and (2) asking “County and State officials, including the Attorney General, Comptroller and our elected representatives, to provide independent oversight of the jail and its operations as they are empowered to do under state laws”.

Here are three areas that show the systemic problem in three critical areas covered by limited existing laws and regulations: sexual and racial abuse, medical and health violations, and financial malfeasance imposed on those in the jail as it has become the center for displaced, discarded, ill and impoverished residents of the county.

The incarcerated and formerly incarcerated, their families, and local activists have long written state and county authorities, legislators, and the press in all these areas. The Comptroller, Attorney General, and State and County Health Departments should at the very least do their legal duty. State law empowers all local Assembly and Senate members to make unannounced inspection visits to jails. Some state legislators have done so in their counties. But not yet in Broome County. They need to do so.

Sexual and Racial Abuse

Public records provided by successive and successful lawsuits by families (wrongful deaths), Legal Services of Central NY (youth and Vega abuse cases), and NYCLU (Makkyla Holland case) have documented in detail rampant and continuing racial and sexual abuse in the Broome County jail. Yet the abuse continues and abusers go unpunished. Officers continue to abuse persons of color with the ready use of the n-word, while sexually abusive treatment and language are directed toward women, men, and LGBTQ persons alike. Allegations of rape circulate. Not a single person has ever been disciplined for these behaviors. Complaints and grievances by incarcerated persons of violations of the Prison Rape Elimination Act of 2003 are not allowed to be filed; grievances of any sort are regularly denied contrary to state law as documented yearly by the State Commission of Correction, including in the most recent March 2024 inspection report.

March 2024 State Commission of Correction, Minimum Standard Evaluation of Facility Operations for the Broome County Jail, “Commission staff reviewed several grievance packages and found that the grievance coordinator continues to issue determinations that grievable grievances are non-grievable.”

Bill Martin, Truthout, March 24, 2024, “In NY Jails, Prisoners Must Submit Their Abuse Grievances to Their Abusers,” Can openly transphobic and homophobic jailers be relied upon to enforce nondiscrimination settlements? Can disabled and injured youth, especially young Black men, depend upon legal settlements to end abuse in our jails?

Medical and Health Violations

State law now requires medically assisted treatment for persons with substance use, and the Broome County Jail handbook lays out procedures for MAT. Yet these are not followed. JUST members and family visiting the incarcerated are regularly told of instances of persons detoxing without MAT; attempts by persons to get on methadone are denied for weeks and months, despite appeals to UHS and OASAS offices in Broome County and regional headquarters. Media reports, most recently in NYFocus, document the problem in detail. Unsanitary conditions and severe shortcomings in medical procedures are regularly reported, even by the State Commission on Correction’s own annual inspections with no external oversight and follow-up provided. State law requires county health departments to inspect the jail but as the Sheriff has reported to the State Commission of Correction every year, the BC Health Department has not provided any inspection reports and apparently refuses to inspect the facility.

NYFocus, Sept 27, 2023: “‘Doom County Jail’: Dysfunction Plagues Program for Incarcerated Opioid Users. Men locked up in the Broome County jail describe an opioid treatment program so shoddy, they risk withdrawal, relapse, and overdose.

March 2024 State Commission of Correction, Minimum Standard Evaluation of Facility Operations for the Broome County Jail, “Commission staff spoke with administration and noted that the facility is consistently requesting the health department inspection, however the Broome County Department of Health has yet to complete such inspection.”

State regulation 9 CRR-NY 7015.3 “The chief administrative officer shall request that the local health authority with jurisdiction over the facility perform annual inspections of the facility. The results of such inspection shall be recorded in writing, together with a summary of the action taken to address any deficiencies, and maintained on file at the facility.”

Financial Malfeasance

Despite a significant drop in the number of persons incarcerated, the budget for the jail has steadily grown while funding for community health and social services has steadily been cut. There remain however no oversight of jail finances and financial irregularities that contravene state law persistently appear. The sheriff recently had to admit that the county had been billed for and paid their out-of-state medical provider $250,000 for services that were not provided. There were no fines or investigation. In order to meet basic hygiene and food needs, the incarcerated and their families spend $ millions at the jail commissary. State regulations require the Sheriff to spend his considerable profits (up to 44%) from unconscionable costs for commissary, telephone, video and tablet use –e.g. calls to family cost 4 cents/minute from state prisons, but 25 cents per minute from the BC jail—on the rehabilitation of inmates. Yet there is no accounting of the $ millions accumulated from these fees; past investigations reveal purchases range from lawn tractors, trailers, to retirement party costs. State and county authorities need to investigate and conduct an audit of jail purchases and expenditures.

State regulation 9 CRR-NY 7016.1 “ (b) The prices of any items offered for sale shall be fixed by the sheriff, or official in charge, to the extent that the commissary operation will be self-supporting and will provide a modest return above costs. (c) Profits resulting from commissary sales shall be deposited in a separate bank account and shall be utilized only for purposes of prisoner welfare and rehabilitation.”

JUST May 13, 2019 letter to County Executive and SCOC (unanswered), “an examination of the county records regarding jail commissary and related accounts suggest significant irregularities. We request that you conduct a thorough examination and audit of the accounts for at least the last three years.”

Seek Justice

In NY Jails, Prisoners Must Submit Their Abuse Grievances to Their Abusers

March 24, 2024 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Legal victories by LGBTQ people and youth of color face rollbacks amid the rise of new, reactionary sheriffs.

By Bill Martin , Truthout Published March 24, 2024

New Sheriff, new jail? Don’t believe the hype

February 9, 2024 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Rozann Greco and Bill Martin, Guest Columnists
Reproduced from Press and Sun Bulletin (Binghamton), Feb 9 2024 Opinion

Make no mistake: there is a new sheriff in town. David Harder, who ruled over the jail for 25 years, has finally left office. The election of Frederick Akshar gave us a very different person: 35 years younger, more energetic, an accomplished politician, and a hands-on officer. Recently, Akshar distributed a first-year progress report. It was big news, extensively covered by local media.

There have been changes in the jail. Visitation hours have been extended to every weekday. This comes after Sheriff Harder lost a lawsuit and was forced to reopen visitation hours. Medically assisted treatment for substance users, so needed as we face an opioid epidemic, is now in place. This too was also the result of years of protests by families and community activists and is required by a new state law. Still, recent investigations reveal, however, continuing serious medical mistreatment at the jail.

A new food contract has also been signed, and fruit for the first time in memory has appeared on jail trays. Here again, this comes after widespread demands by families and hunger strikes by the incarcerated.

Akshar also celebrated the hiring of 31 new correctional officers. But was this wise? The number of persons in the jail has steadily fallen from over 500 to around 300. Here the county missed an opportunity to right-size the jail and transfer funds and jobs to county services where they’re most needed − particularly the Department of Social Services, which has over 80 unfilled, poorly-paid staff positions. One unannounced result of all this new funding: the yearly cost to keep one person in the jail is now the highest ever: $97,000. For one person the county could pay full tuition for 18 students at SUNY Broome.

Equally puzzling is Akshar’s claim that the county saved money by his discovery of $250,000 in overcharges by the private medical provider. Isn’t this simply theft from the county treasury? How long has this been going on? Why are there not criminal charges? Shouldn’t there be a county audit of jail finances as activists have long demanded?

More financial losses are coming. The Sheriff’s office and the county have recently lost two more abuse lawsuits, and more are underway. One settlement discovered a blatant coverup by jail officials of the beating of a young Black man. Another settlement required extensive changes in how the jail treats sexuality and gender, from housing locations to medicines to verbal, physical and sexual harassment. None of the specific policy changes have found themselves into the new jail handbook. None of the 16 officers mentioned have been disciplined or fired. What stops more abuse and more lawsuits?

Progress? Only in the sense of modernizing mass incarceration in response to a decade of protest by community organizations, and further centralizing county health care and finances in the jail for which there is little if any oversight. This is not a model for the future.

Rozann Greco is an Endicott resident and Bill Martin is a Johnson City resident.

****

(Links added to original text)

Appended note: And on the same day the newspaper published another (yes another, just by chance?) op-ed by the Sheriff on how in partnership with local NGOs he protects female domestic violence victims–this from the man who, after a Black woman with a substance use problem miscarried under his care, stated to the press “that if it were up to him, he would charge X with the child’s death, but that is no longer an option due to New York’s 2019 Reproductive Health Act.” Yes, he is part of the fetal personhood movement, which pursues laws that grant fetuses the same legal rights as any person with the aim of making all abortions murder. The 2019 Reproductive Health Act protects access to reproductive rights throughout the state after Roe vs Wade was overturned]

NYCLU sues SCOC

February 3, 2024 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Some good news: NYCLU is suing the SCOC to get records of abusive correctional staff. Local activists have long fought to reveal the SCOC as an operation run by and on behalf of Sheriffs and mass incarcerators. A somewhat dated background piece is on the Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier website here.

The SCOC operates in almost complete secrecy: its January 3, 2024 meeting lasted all of one minute and six seconds, simply to go into closed, private session; the January 24th meeting lasted less than 3 minutes before going into private session. It rejects 97% of the thousands of grievances it receives from county jails, taking 8 seconds to review each one. That’s the state of NY justice under the SCOC.

Giving the SCOC more funds as some propose will not address this problem. An independent oversight agency with representative members of the incarcerated community is what we need.

Recent local evidence of abuse is all too clear from the Vega and Holland lawsuits. Taej’on Vega won his lawsuit, filed by Legal Services of Central New York, documenting the jail administration’s and correctional officers’ coverup of his beating and mental and sexual abuse (read a summary here).

Makkyla Holland, a Black trans woman, won her lawsuit for discrimination and abuse on the basis of her sex, transgender status, and disability. NYCLU filed on her behalf against Broome County, the County Sheriff, the jail’s medical staff, and almost a dozen correctional officers. Officers beat her, subjected her to illegal strip searches, and denied prescribed medications including antidepressants and hormone treatments.

Taej’on Vega Wins ‘I can’t breathe’ vs Broome County

October 1, 2023 / Bill Martin / 2 Comments

“Strip, N-word!” That’s what Broome County correctional officers told the prone and handcuffed African American teenager as they dragged him across the floor to his cell two years ago. It got more brutal quickly, leaving Taej’on Vega naked, badly bruised, unable to breathe, coughing up blood, and sexually and mentally traumatized. And yet: a courageous mother and son triumphed in the end against all odds.

For this week a court decision came down and their lawsuit against Broome County and Correctional Officers was successful. The County and its officers were judged to have violated Taej’on’s rights and deliberately covered up evidence of the beating. A financial settlement is yet to come.

It has been a long road to some justice. At the time of the beating Taej’on’s grievance was found to have “no merit” and denied–as is almost always the case. Despite being aware of his mental health issues, he was like many others denied the multiple medications he was prescribed prior to entering the jail in October 2019. Like all, incarceration meant he was no longer working to support his family.

In the wake of the assault, unlike others, his mother managed to take video snapshots of his bruised body and pressed his case. Members of Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier (JUST), including the author, visited Mr. Vega as part of a program that visits vulnerable persons who don’t have family nearby and often need a watchful presence. Just wrote letters to legislative leaders, calling for investigations. And then in June lawyers for Legal Services of Central New York filed the lawsuit against the county and the correctional officers, including the sergeant in charge at the time.

Doom County Jail?

It is rare that families have the resources or find lawyers to press such cases. But they keep coming.

Makyyla Holland recently won a stunning award for abuse in the jail, with the jail and county now required to roll back discriminatory practices, rules, and cultures against trans persons and LGBTQ persons generally. Several families have won wrongful death suits, with the Husar family’s $5 million lawsuit outstanding. An investigation by NY Focus reporters this month revealed that the introduction of more medically assisted treatment in the jail has been an abusive disaster. As the headline put it, “‘Doom County Jail’: Dysfunction Plagues Program for Incarcerated Opioid Users.”

What are the incarcerated and their families to do? Medically assisted treatment in the jail for substance users was, after all, announced with great fanfare as a major successful reform. The Holland settlement relies upon persons filing grievances as the sole enforcement guarantee. Yet those with problems like Taej’on or Makylla still only support legal claims if they exhaust, and get exhausted by, the grievance process. The evidence is clear: incarcerated persons have long been denied access to grievance slips as long reported by advocates to the local press. In 2022 an assessment of the grievance process published in the community newspaper Binghamton Bridge found that in the previous six months not a single grievance filed in the jail was forwarded to the oversight review committee of the State Commission of Correction (SCOC)—which rejected 99.7% of grievances that reached it.

The recently released 2022 Broome County Sheriff’s Annual Report confirms this continues: in the last year the vast majority of filed grievances were rejected outright, with not a single grievance about the staff, legal issues, or grievance polices and services being passed upward to the SCOC. One grievance about medical services was forwarded. And officers named in the lost lawsuits and settlements remain unpunished, in the jail, and on full pay. Lacking any real reform, how will abusive, transphobic and homophobic officers still on the payroll enforce the Holland settlement?

Indeed it is worth recalling that in the year before Taej’on’s beating, the County and the past Sheriff lost a major lawsuit over abuse of youth in the jail. As one expert witness who visited and talked to persons in the jail testified at the time,

“All the juveniles spoke of the harsh and abusive practices [of] the Correctional Officers (COs) with many identifying in exquisite detail the beatings they endured at the hands of the COs’…. [a] youth spoke of an incident in which he was restrained in a restraint chair and then pepper sprayed while he was restrained. Still another youth spoke of the COs carrying batons they used to beat the kids; they reported that the COs refer to the baton as their “n-word [sic] beaters.”

As more lawsuits are lost by the County and the abuse continues, it is time for elected officials to exercise their oversight powers and investigate, including visiting the jail unannounced as they are legally empowered to do. Can they speak for basic human rights, and report their findings to the community? We all also need to thank the Taej’ons and Makyylas for their bravery and persistence.

Binghamton, Slavery, and the Unfinished Business of Juneteenth

June 19, 2023 / Bill Martin / 4 Comments

This week we celebrate Juneteenth, with our attention directed to Texas where the end of chattel slavery came two years after the end of the Civil War. Locally, the Black community hosts celebrations of the belated coming of freedom and the ongoing struggle for justice—as demonstrated by the popular renaming of Columbus Park as the Assata Shakur Park.

Local media, scholars, and elected officials with hardly an exception invariably cast Juneteenth as a fight won in a distant time and place. Little is said or recorded about the two centuries of slavery in New York State. It goes unmentioned that Binghamton was founded by a white man who brought slavery to the region. Or that his benefactor, after whom the town was named, became fabulously rich, far wealthier than even plantation-owning founding fathers, by capturing and selling persons into slavery. No one dares mention that both Joshua Whitney and William Bingham supported and expanded slavery, and were attended daily by enslaved persons. There are a multitude of hidden histories here (for a brief suggestion see a previous post here).

Given this, it is thus unremarkable that the only two statues surrounding Binghamton’s historic city hall represent white men complicit in slavery: Senator Dickinson, who prior to the Civil War was a staunch defender of the enslavement rights of Southern States, and a man whose statues have been torn down elsewhere for his role in intercontinental conquest and enslavement, Christopher Columbus.

Commemorating Enslavers on Campus

Absent such historical knowledge, the commemoration of enslavers goes unchallenged. Such are the fruits of living, willful amnesia: every day Black students at SUNY-Binghamton head into classrooms and new dormitories named after persons who may have captured, bought, sold, or owned their ancestors: Joshua Whitney and William Bingham.

Gardening with Forced Labor Today

Casting Juneteenth as sealing up the moral faults of the nation also makes it impossible to pursue the unfinished business of the unilateral declaration of independence of 1776 and the 1787 United States Constitution. For as readers of the constitution should know, the Thirteenth amendment ratified in 1865 did not fully abolish slavery—it explicitly legalized slavery for those convicted of a crime, a clause immediately turned against Black people in the post-Civil War era. It also provided a critical foundation for the rise of mass incarceration in the last three decades.

Millions of persons, predominantly of color, have found themselves in prisons, impressed into forced labor, often to earn pocket change to buy basic hygiene necessities and food. When paid, the wages are pitiful, ranging from 10 to 60 cents per hour.

Broome County, like a handful of states, doesn’t even pay a penny an hour. As incarcerated residents have long discovered—and one should remember that Broome County regularly has the highest jail incarceration rate of all 62 counties in the state—if you don’t work in the jail, you get sent to solitary and lose privileges.

Who benefits? Forced local jail labor has long been used to clean and groom, free of charge, county and private facilities, roads, cemeteries, and church lawns. And the money to buy commercial lawnmowers, landscaping supplies, and the like? It came from the profits the Sheriff has skimmed off vastly overpriced commissary goods and telephone calls.

As part of the effort to legitimize and modernize mass incarceration, farming has now been added to the list of jobs for unpaid, incarcerated labor. Broome County’s new Sheriff Akshar has trumpeted setting up a new garden inside the jail, constructed with the assistance of Cornell Cooperative Extension, a local union, and the Broome County Council of Churches. Who could be against gardening? As WBNG TV reports here, the garden is supposed to teach the incarcerated employable skills, although what those skills are and who might employ them is left unsaid. WIVT TV tells us all the veggies grown there will be sent to Broome County Council of Churches’ food pantry, CHOW. It isn’t clear why they aren’t used in the jail, where the lack of food has long been an issue; people can linger for months and even years awaiting trial without ever seeing a piece of fruit, even the cheapest canned fruit cocktail. No one mentions the history and practice of forced labor, and the constitutional clauses that endorse incarcerated slavery.

Incarcerated Labor fights back

It is getting harder to keep such practices invisible, for across the country incarcerated men and women have been protesting forced incarcerated labor, hunger, and abuse. In 2016 a national prison labor strike mobilized under the call of a “Call to Action Against Slavery in America.” In 2018 incarcerated workers launched a national prison labor strike over forced and abusive and labor, arguing they were treated like animals, “a systematic problem born out of slavery.” Last October incarcerated works across Alabama launched yet another strike.

The incarcerated in Broome County jail have done the same, conducting their own ad hoc hunger strikes. Lacking any oversight and access by the public, such appeals do not reach beyond family and friends, and are most often silenced by retaliation against those who dare even try to file a grievance.

Juneteenth Lives

And so, what does Juneteenth mean to us in Binghamton in 2023? We celebrate surely the end of chattel slavery, and not only in the South and Texas. But Juneteenth is a call to much more: a revelation and reaffirmation of the living, daily struggle for racial justice in Binghamton, New York State, and the nation. To be faithful to those who have fought for freedom is to continue their work, to ally with those pursuing liberation—and there is much to be done.

As crime and incarceration goes down in NY, why are costs going up?

March 30, 2023 / Bill Martin / 1 Comment

OPINION reprint from Times-Herald Record (hyperlinks added; supporting data here)

William Martin

Special to the USA TODAY Network

Published 12:18 p.m. ET March 29, 2023

Continuing declines in crime rates and incarcerated populations pose the question: what to do with our increasingly empty jail cells? The trends are unmistakable for the smaller cities and towns of the state. Index (serious) crime rates for counties outside NY City have fallen by 39% since 2012. County jail populations have correspondingly fallen by 42% in the last ten years. As county budgets come under increasing pressure, questions about fiscal overreach are emerging.

Thus the questions posed by the Ulster County Comptroller to his elected officials: why is the county jail so large, so heavily staffed, and over-funded given the drop in incarcerated populations? Aren’t there better uses for the county money? His recommendation: “a reduction in facility capacity and commensurate staffing” and an “examination of the costs of operation to ensure that they are commensurate with the needs of the community”.

The process has begun in some counties. Duchess county has closed empty pods that housed 200 persons and downsized its new jail from 569 to 328 beds. The Albany Sheriff has repurposed empty cells into housing for the homeless including homeless community college students.

Broome County, regularly ranked as the top county in the state for jail incarceration, faces similar trends—and equally daunting fiscal dilemmas given looming state budget cuts. In the last ten years index crime rates for Broome County have fallen steadily, dropping by 35 percent–even as the number of guns and gun violence has risen.

And jail capacity and populations? In 2015 the county was convinced by jail authorities and an external study they commissioned to spend $6.8 million to expand jail capacity from 536 to 600 persons. The expected boom in jail numbers, projected to hit 700, never came. Average daily jail population has fallen instead from 500 to below 300, half the capacity of the jail. In January, 296 persons were housed in the jail, including 26 held on behalf of federal authorities (and of the 296 only 50 were convicted and sentenced for a crime).

The result? As in Ulster, a dramatic increase in the cost to keep a person in the county jail, rising from $45,000 in 2012 to $109,000 now.

For the cost of jailing one person on misdemeanor charges, the county could offer free tuition to SUNY-Broome to twenty local youth. Or hire two mental health counselors. Or offer incentives to respond to the staffing crisis at the county’s debilitated Department of Social Services, with over 80 vacant positions. Local elected officials appear oblivious to these needs, expanding instead the jail budget yet again this year, and empowering the newly elected Sheriff to hire up to 38 more correctional officers by offering $5,000 bonuses and lowering educational requirements.

As in Ulster the story is straightforward: its time to ask local legislators and auditors to investigate and adjust staffing at the county jail—and release funds to where they might further reduce crime, as in supporting underfunded mental health, housing, and youth services.

William Martin is a Johnson City resident and professor emeritus at Binghamton University.

Broome County’s ARPA Bonanza: Who Captured the $37 million?

January 25, 2023 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Published online at Binghamton Bridge, Jan 24, 2023

What would you do if someone gave you an unexpected $37 million? A once-in-a-lifetime bonanza?

That was the delicious dilemma faced by the Broome County Executive and Legislators when the Federal American Rescue Plan Act (ARPA) was passed in March 2021. ARPA allocated $350 billion to municipal, county, state, and tribal governments to assist in COVID recovery. COVID had eliminated jobs, impoverished families, overwhelmed public health services, and destabilized the mental and physical health of youth, adults, and seniors alike. ARPA monies were intended to address the public health, economic, and housing needs arising from the epidemic. ARPA guidelines for spending were flexible, but emphasized prioritizing vulnerable groups and equitable economic recovery (Federal guidelines are here).

How did Broome County spend the money? We don’t know. Neither the press nor county government has provided a list or tabulation of funded projects. When the local Press and Sun-Bulletin newspaper reported on the use of $163 million in ARPA funds across the Southern Tier, Broome County had only one, unspecified commitment mentioned.

Binghamton’s $46 million in ARPA: where did it go?

The City of Binghamton was no clearer on how it was spending its $46 million. Like the county, the city did not hold any community public hearings, get public input, or provide any transparent accounting. Thanks to investigations by community activists we now have the details on a new website, #bingamtonslushfund, which tracks the city government’s ARPA decisions.

It’s not a pretty picture. The group’s conclusion: ARPA dollars were recklessly laundered into a slush fund controlled by the Republican mayor and city council members. They then funded pet projects unrelated to COVID, from a parking garage to a luxury housing project downtown. Judge for yourself by looking at the funded projects detailed on their website here.

Broome County’s $37 million: where did it go?

Paulus Housing Project Johnson City $4.7m in tax rebates

County finances receive far less attention by the press and community groups. A freedom-of-information request to the county asking for ARPA expenditures was submitted in September 2022. It finally received a response in January 2023. It may be downloaded here.

The summary results? While lots of groups were funded, no substantial money went to address the health impacts of COVID, the local housing crisis, or the mental and physical health aftermaths of COVID. In the midst of the fentanyl/tranq epidemic exacerbated by COVID isolation and poverty, we cannot fund, for example, the community-based initiatives other cities and counties have launched.

Who were the big winners? Developers and the Sheriff–and a distant third group, county parks.

Here are some of the developers’ pet projects, all charging commercial, market rate rents:

Sparc Corp JC Oakdale Mall                                                      $7,170,000
19 Avenue B Housing Project & Phoenix/Huron                $2,800,000
Conifer & LeChase (IBM proje3ct) apartments                   $1,000,000
Paulus Development (JC EJ building) apartments                 $750,000
SEPP Group Endicott apartments                                            $670,000
K Mart Plaza                                                                              $1,000,000

None of these projects are contingent on providing the numerous living-wage jobs and low-income housing we need. Indeed as has happened in both Binghamton and Johnson City, they are likely to decrease affordable housing for poor and Black residents as gentrification and expensive housing projects continue to proliferate around new SUNY downtown buildings–and displace existing lower-rent housing. As reported in the SUNY campus newspaper Pipedream, “BU has acquired over 30 plots of land throughout Broome County to expand the school, demolishing the 50 single-family homes and apartments in them.” Lacking customers due to gentrification driven by the SUNY Nursing school, the last supermarket in downtown Johnson City closed, driving people to overwhelmed, nearby pantries. Faced with public debate over the impacts and cost of student housing, SUNY Chancellor John King in a visit to Binghamton this past week coldly asserted this was the cost of “economic development.”

50 Front St Luxury Apartments
$16.8m tax rebates

And most of the ARPA projects already have been underwritten by state, county, or municipal funding . The most egregious diversion of public funds? Up to thirty years of tax exemptions through so-called PILOT agreements provided by local development agencies as reported by the press. In Broome County these have granted property and sale tax rate reductions and exemptions, most notably for one luxury housing development after another. As recorded in cost-benefit analyses by the Broome County Development Agency, these include $4.7 million in rebates for the EJ Victory Building in Johnson City (156 apartments) and, in Binghamton, rebates worth $7.5 million for the Ansco building on Emma Street (100 apartments), $16.8 million in tax abatements for the owners of the “50 Front Street Luxury Apartments” (122 apartments, opening with the highest local rents), $3 million for Chenango Place on Court Street (94 apartments), $6.5 million for the gated, luxury student apartments next to the SUNY Downtown Center (127 apartments), and another $9.4 million rebate to the developer of the Oakland Mall—to mention but a few. ARPA adds more fuel to the bonfire elimination of corporations’ tax bills, while, like new, tax-exempt SUNY and hospital operations, increasing demand for more city services.

Up on the Hill: The Sheriff’s $ 7 million

Pushed aside and out of sight, where will the homeless and people with health problems go? For far too many the jail has emerged as the county’s major substance use and mental health “treatment center.” And that’s what the county funded from ARPA, giving $7 million to the Sheriff for unspecified purposes.

The Sheriff has a $42 million budget, with the jail accounting for $32 million. Why the additional $millions? The need for road patrols surely did not increase under COVID. Nor did jail numbers. Indeed due to lower crime and criminal justice reforms the jail population has been dropping for years. Built and expanded to incarcerate 600 persons, the local jail population rarely exceeds half that number. Last month there were fewer than 300 local residents in the jail (and only 52 convicted of a crime). The number of Correctional Officers had also fallen proportionally.

And yet an additional $7 million was allocated from ARPA funds. Democratic and Republican County Executives and Legislators have for decades privileged the jail. But what are the $7 million being used for? A hiring boom for up to 38 more Correctional Officers is apparently underway according to the press. How is this justified?

This is a costly commitment, for correctional officers are expensive. Of the 46 county employees who earned over a $100,000 in 2021 (the last posted year), at least 32 are correctional officers (and all but 5 of the 46 are employed by the criminal justice system). The highest paid employee? District Attorney Korchak. Its the cost of making Broome County, of all 62 state counties, the county with the highest jail incarceration rate.

Elite Capture

It is too late to turn back irresponsible ARPA spending: although ARPA funds may be spent over 5 years, over $32 million of the county’s $37 million has already been spent. We can–as has the community group working on the City of Binghamton ARPA funds–press local officials to hold public hearings, account for their decisions, and reallocate remaining and future county monies to meet community needs.

As the story of county use of ARPA and Broome County Development Agency funds demonstrates, however, the problem is deeper and long-standing. Corporate and political elites–all too often an interlocking web of developers, real estate interests, and lineage politicians–have long captured county and city funds. Overturning this corporate/political complex, and allocating public funds to real human needs like housing and health, will require an equally long-term community struggle.

Ansco “Sophisticated Luxury Living” $7.5m tax rebates

Policing Kids: Revisiting School Officers 2023

January 10, 2023 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Recent and continuing community protests in the aftermath of a school police officer knelling on the neck of a young Black man brings to light yet once again the dangers and costs of placing officers in local schools (see video here, fuller story here, and local news reports here and here and protest here at a school board meeting). Immediately below is a reprint from May 2019 that details the history, costs, and research findings on “School Resource Officers”. In this case the cost of the school police officer involved? $99,000 in 2022 (before overtime and benefits), twice the average cost of a Binghamton school teacher.

And here are some questions one might ask about police in schools, including the alliance between the Binghamton Police Department and the SUNY-Binghamton Police Department.

Broome’s Schools & the Cost of Fear, May 4, 2019

How can we best educate Broome county’s kids and protect them from harm? The choices are tough for parents, teachers, and school principals. Do we spend

thin funding on more teachers or nurses? Or a guidance or a mental health counselor? Or when it comes to safety, hardening the schools against armed attack and hiring armed police? Unfortunately fear, and not a rational calculation of where dangers lie, drives today’s calculations.

Fear is a powerful motivator. In the Cold War years, children were drilled to “duck and cover” under their classroom desks to avoid the effects of Soviet atomic bombs. Today students and teachers practice turning off lights, locking classroom doors, pulling down window shades, and huddling quietly in closets to hide from active shooters. Surprise lockdown drills have become the norm, reproducing a climate of insecurity and anxiety. One in three parents nationwide fear for the safety of their child at school, fed by lurid media coverage and politically calculated calls for more state security.

Living in fear imposes costs and choices. Most prominent is the cost of police in our schools. In Broome County, as across the nation, the number of armed School Resource Officers (SROs) and civilian security staff has grown steadily. What does this cost? And has this reduced, prevented, or increased harm to our youth?

There is neither transparency nor much discussion here. School, city, and police budgets provide little help. Incomplete responses to freedom of information requests to local towns, police departments, and the county, in addition to a survey of press and website listings, produce an incomplete total for Broome County schools of $1.3 million per year. It looks like this:

District	School Resource Officers	Non-sworn civilian monitors
Binghamton	$190,000	$170,000
Vestal	$108,000	?
Chenango, Maine-Endwell (Broome County Sheriff)	$108,000	—
BOCES, Catholic Schools, Harpursville, Susquehanna Valley, Windsor; (District Attorney Cornwell’s Program)	$664,000	?
Johnson City	0	?

These are very incomplete figures, given that SRO costs remain hidden in many budgets, and even these tabulations do not include in most cases civilian security staff, costs of “hardening” school facilities, staff training, consultant fees, drill practices, etc.

For many of our elected representatives this is not nearly enough. State legislators, led by our Senator (and former Undersheriff and current police officer) Frederick Akshar, have long advocated putting armed officers in schools. Senate Bill S1330 cosponsored by Akshar proposes that the state directly fund a force of retired police officers in all public and private schools outside of New York City—while raising school security officer (SRO) pay over 60 per cent.

The cost? Close to $200 million a year.

As an employment program, adding 4,000 part-time retirees to the state payroll is impressive. Nationwide, we’ve seen billions now spent on policing and hardening schools. Yet glaringly absent are other resources: 14 million students go to a school with a police officer but no counselor, nurse, psychologist or social worker.

Even more critical is the simple fact that adding armed police to school hallways does little to protect youth from the dangers they may face. As multiple reports by security firms,[1] research scholars,[2] and the Congressional Research Service[3] tell us, deaths in schools from active shooters are a minuscule subset of school fatalities, less than 5 percent,[4] and an even smaller percentage of youth homicides or suicides by firearms.[5] Shootings in and around schools are also exceedingly rare. Students know this: their fear of attack or harm while in school has been falling for over two decades.[6] Students in schools do face harm but from sources armed police can do little to prevent or resolve: transport accidents, suicide, bullying, and hate crimes among other causes.

Indeed armed police may exacerbate these problems. They certainly increase the danger of kids ending up in what is commonly called the school-to-prison pipeline. For what we do know is that more policing in our schools is associated with more detention and arrests, particularly of African-American and Latinx students. Incidents previously addressed by teachers, principals, and parents are increasingly turned over to retired police officers, who by training rely upon force and the criminal justice system. Recent protests against Binghamton High School security staff beating down a Black student on Court street, and the strip searching of four young Black girls at East Middle School highlight the problem and the fear some students have of the police and security staff.

Indeed, as local statistics and national surveys indicate, policing in schools reinforces racial disparities, with racially dipropionate rates of detention and arrest feeding directly into the prison pipeline. African-Americans, for example, compose 10 percent of Broome County’s students, but account for 43% of juvenile detentions and 50% of those on probation supervision. Where are the precursors? In the Binghamton School District, which spends the most on armed and private security, African-American students are suspended at 2.5 times the rate for white students and suffer a 26% drop out rate. County-wide, African-American are 10 percent of youth but 43% of juvenile detentions and 50% of those on probation supervision.

It is simply too costly a system: too many police in schools, too many poor, disabled and students of color channeled into the criminal justice system, and too few counselors, nurses, and mental health workers in our schools to really help kids resolve the conflicts and troubles of growing up in these difficult times.

Twenty years ago DARE, the police program in schools to prevent drug use, was shown to be a total failure and it collapsed. We should do the same to its successors, and end, finally, unaccountable mass policing in our schools.

References

[1] Stephen C. Satterly Jr., “Report of Relative Risks of Death in U.S. K-‐12 Schools” (Safe Havens International, August 1, 2014).

[2] James H. Price and Jagdish Khubchandani, “School Firearm Violence Prevention Practices and Policies: Functional or Folly?,” Violence and Gender, March 19, 2019, https://doi.org/10.1089/vio.2018.0044.

[3] Authors Redacted, “School Resource Officers: Issues for Congress” (Congressional Research Service, July 5, 2018).

[4] Authors Redacted, 18.

[5] Price and Khubchandani, “School Firearm Violence Prevention Practices and Policies,” 2.

[6] Lauren Musu-Gillette et al., “Indicators of SChool Crime and Safety 2017” (Washington, D.C: U.S. Department of Education, U.S. Department of Justice. Office of Justice Programs. Bureau of Justice Statistics, March 2018), 105.

Fully open county jails to visitation

December 11, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Binghamton Press and Sun Bulletin
December 11, 2022
Page A12

When COVID hit, the doors to state facilities slammed shut to visitors. Two years later, families regularly visit loved ones in nursing homes, all state prisons and hospitals.

Yet for the many thousands with friends and relatives locked in county jails, the doors remain closed. It is time for county sheriffs to reopen their jails — and do so fully and transparently.

It takes a struggle to do this, as those of us in Broome County know all too well. As the Vera Institute has documented, our county regularly has the highest jail incarceration rate among all the state’s counties. Here, the sheriff, backed by the county lawyer, steadfastly refused to return to visitation, arguing the danger of COVID.

Local activists associated with Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier (JUST), with the assistance of Legal Services of Central NY, filed a lawsuit this past May charging that visitation is a basic right enshrined in the New York state constitution. State Supreme Court Judge Blaise ruled in our favor, ordering a return to the pre-COVID visitation schedule.

This the sheriff appealed. And lost again. Forced to open, he did so on a truncated schedule in defiance of the court. County lawyers in court — the sheriff refused to appear — reported the schedule came from state Commission of Correction. Yet when asked the commission denied in writing any correspondence with the sheriff on the matter.

JUST now awaits a ruling on its filing charging the sheriff with civil and criminal contempt of court and a return to a full, five-days-a-week schedule.

Broome is but the tip of an invisible and worsening harm syndrome across the state. Visitation is still denied in upstate jails. More grievously, the reopening of jails has circumscribed everywhere the rights and basic humane treatment of the incarcerated, including their families. Visitation hours across the state have been seriously trimmed back, making it impossible for people to visit their sons, daughters, wives, children and friends. Families continue to spend millions on ruinous video and telephone bills; calls from jails are commonly 25 cents per minute, versus less than 4 cents from state prisons. Commissary prices have been raised dramatically, and food and hygiene products increasingly limited. Families are no longer able to order supplemental food packages from Walmart or Amazon to be sent to their loved ones. Even the mailing in of bras and Christian crosses, allowed by state regulations, are turned back. The list of new restrictions under the cover of COVID secrecy accelerates unseen, the denial of humane treatment steadily increases.

Criminologists will tell you that maintaining close contact with families reduces both recidivism and violence in jails. It’s time for state and county authorities to do the right thing: act humanely, morally and legally, and transparently reopen jails across the state.

Bill Martin, of Johnson City, is a founding member of Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier, and professor emeritus of sociology at Binghamton University.

Where’s the Sheriff? In Contempt of the Supreme Court

October 31, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Binghamton Bridge
October 31, 2022
By Bill Martin

NYS Supreme Court Judge Blaise had a straightforward question: Where is the Sheriff? In his defense of County Sheriff David Harder, Broome County Attorney Robert Behnke had no adequate answer. Charged with contempt of court in the motion brought by Justice and the Unity for Southern Tier (JUST), Harder failed to appear.

Law and Ill-Order in Broome County

The members of JUST packing the court knew the answer: as part of a long legal contest, the Sheriff had lost the lawsuit they had brought on behalf of families and friends of those incarcerated in Harder’s jail. In his ruling on July 29^th, Judge Blaise ordered Harder to reopen visitation on the pre- COVID schedule posted in the jail’s own handbook. Harder’s officers in the jail had long been telling the incarcerated that Harder wouldn’t let this happen. When the County’s appeal to delay re-opening was denied on September 22^nd, Harder was thus forced to finally reopen visitation.

Yet when the County finally opened up the jail doors on September 29^th, Harder defied the Judge’s ruling. To the surprise of family members knocking on the door of the jail, visitation hours were posted for highly restricted times. Harder had unilaterally reduced visiting from the pre-COVID schedule of 44 hours a week, to 15, and visiting days from five to three—with none on the weekends for persons who work or live out of town.

On the threshold of retirement, pending election of one of his former deputies, Harder was again refusing to obey state laws–and now the State Supreme Court. To observers of justice in Broome County it was another case of law and ill-order.

The JUST Response

On October 7, on behalf of JUST, Josh Cotter of Legal Services of Central NY, filed a motion and affidavits charging Harder with civil and criminal contempt of court, with personal and financial penalties.

Before the contempt hearing on October 29^th, JUST members and supporters rallied in the chilly morning on the steps of the county courthouse. The gathered families and friends of the incarcerated told numerous stories of their inability to visit daughters, sons, fathers, partners, and friends under the posted hours.

Meanwhile, fees for telephone and video calls remained exorbitant. Many of the county’s poorest residents were spending close to $1000/month to maintain contact with family in the jail and provide necessary food and hygiene products. Banning visitation held a warped, punitive, financial logic here: the Sheriff had reaped $ millions in profits from his share of expensive calls and commissary purchases, outside any county control. And he spent it on personal diversions, among them his second, armored personnel carrier.

Statements from incarcerated persons and family members unable to attend the rally due to work or distance repeated these complaints:

“Does this mean my mother can’t visit me?”
“I can’t visit since I work and live in Syracuse”
“I keep calling but can’t get through to book a visiting hour”
“I’ve spent $800-$1000 every month to talk to my husband awaiting trial”
“I booked a visit with the Sheriff’s office but when I came was refused the visit”
“We need to be paid back for the $ thousands we’ve spent due to him denying visitation”

Demands

JUST’s demands addressed the problems, calling for

Full five days with regular hours for visitation, extended to weekends for those who work
Pay back of exorbitant profits from video & telephone calls, and commissary purchases
Food that meets basic nutrition requirements, including that item never seen in years: fruit!
An end to the incarceration of persons with disabilities and health crises
Penalize Sheriff & County for defying state supreme court and violating the state constitution

At 11 am, after the rally, over 30 JUST supporters went through metal detectors to attend the hearing, where they were faced down by a phalanx of grim, armed court security.

The Court Hearing

At the hearing, Judge Blaise questioned both Josh Cotter of Legal Services of Central NY, acting on behalf of JUST and families, and Broome County Attorney Robert Behnke, defending Sheriff Harder. In earlier legal briefs, the County had defended continued denial of visitation on grounds of COVID precautions. This was, however, increasingly implausible, given that visitation had long since returned to nursing homes, all state prisons, and jails across the state. Indeed, the Sheriff had long shown indifference to COVID, never requiring his staff to get vaccinated. And when visitation opened up on September 29^th, there was no social distancing or masking.

The excuse for the Sheriff’s actions put forth submitted in court by Behnke on October 28^th was thus a new one: Harder’s restricted hours were said to follow a formula provided by an official of the State Commission of Correction (SCOC). This formula had never been seen before, and certainly wasn’t in any posted regulations of the SCOC. The Commission had not met and approved this application either, as is required for variances or modifications of jail practices. Nor had one of the three SCOC Commissioners, all previous Sheriffs or Wardens, signed off on it. It was, rather, a SCOC administrator who had negotiated the new visitation regime directly with Harder. This was, as the Judge suggested, a last minute invention.

As JUST’s lawyer rightly pointed out: visitation rights are guaranteed in the state constitution, and rights can’t be limited by county officials.

The Judge’s ruling is expected in a week. Stay tuned.

***

All court documents may be found at https://bit.ly/3fdmQET.

Further information and media coverage can be found the JUST website (www.justicest.com ), Facebook page, and Instagram pages. A report by WIVT is here and WSKG here.

Ten Reasons Why Frederick Akshar Should Not Be a County Sheriff

October 10, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

by Judy Arnold, Ruth Blizard, Rozann Greco, William Martin, on Binghamton Bridge

Akshar is a committed, pro-life, anti-abortion politician. As Sheriff will he take responsibility for enforcing NY state laws affirming reproductive rights?
Akshar has a long record of unethical behavior and poor judgement at the workplace. 1) As a Captain in the department, he had sexual relations with the mother of the victim in a case he both supervised and testified in. 2) He supported a fellow Deputy, his partner at the time, in her questionable intervention on behalf of her nephew’s DUI car crash. 3) As State Senator, he hired a later partner to work for him in his Albany office, and doubled her salary .
Akshar supports, and will fund, more police in schools. As Senator he proposed legislation for a retired police officer in every school, estimated to cost $200 million. This, despite the local lesson of the Broome County school officer who failed to act on many warning signs about guns and violence of the Susquehanna Valley High School student who shot 13 Black persons in Buffalo.
Akshar has been consistently militated and voted against the legalization of marijuana. As Sheriff will he be responsible for enforcing NY state laws that have legalized marijuana?
Akshar will continue to block public reporting of officer wrongdoing. He has repeatedly sought to roll back the state law which requires police and sheriff departments to open up disciplinary records for inspection. He will continue Sheriff Harder’s refusal to release deputy records as required by the state—including past investigations of his own behavior while a Deputy.
Akshar worked for Sheriff Harder for thirteen years as a Deputy and Undersheriff, supporting his regime that resulted in 13 deaths in the jail, state investigations, and several lost lawsuits for wrongful deaths (e.g. 2011, 2015). No comment from Akshar then or now.
Akshar proclaimed in 2018, “Sheriff, you have my unwavering commitment to do everything in my power to ensure that you remain the Broome County Sheriff”–until this year, when Akshar decided to run to replace Harder – Interesting that Harder supports Akshar’s opponent.
Akshar has worked, past and present, to increase funding for the police and jail despite falling crime and decreasing population locally. It now costs over $100,000/year to keep someone in the BC Jail, awaiting trial, double the cost of 5 years ago. No problem here for Akshar. We can look forward to further increases.
Akshar has consistently opposed any criminal justice reforms that would reduce incarceration in general or decrease the racial disparities in local policing, prosecution and incarceration. He would roll back bail reform for even the most minor, non-violent crimes, while wealthy business men and politicians wait for trial at home (e.g. Adam Weitsman, Thomas Libous, Mathew Libous…).
Akshar has friends in high places:

Harder Loses (again)

August 20, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Some good news: Sheriff Harder has lost again. And local activists are celebrating, again. This time it’s not another wrongful death lawsuit, or a state investigation: even worse for the Sheriff and the County, it is the inner workings of the jail.

For years now, County Sheriff Harder has unilaterally prevented hundreds of local residents from visiting their loved ones in his jail. On August 8th, NYS Supreme Court Judge Blaise III decreed that Harder and Broome County had violated the constitutional human rights of those incarcerated in the county jail. Harder has until September 5^th to re-open in-person visitation.

The lawsuit was filed by Legal Services of Central New York, on behalf of family members, and Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier, an activist group which had led local protests. When the judge indicated he would rule against the County and Sheriff, Harder disingenuously proposed a few hours of visitation on a few days a week, which would have cut former jail visiting hours by over 80%. The judge rejected this outright, requiring instead a return to the pre-pandemic visiting schedule with social distancing. Those incarcerated in the jail, and their families and friends outside, are ecstatic at the prospect of family visiting again.

Of the 300 local residents in the jail, fewer than 50 are convicted and serving time—almost all the rest are awaiting trial, largely on misdemeanor charges. When COVID struck and courts closed, the jail was closed to outsiders. So years have now gone by without persons able to see mothers, fathers, sons, daughters, and beloved neighbors. Not even lawyers could consult privately with defendants and—unlike in other jails—no confidential phone line has ever been provided for the incarcerated to consult with lawyers.

Public and medical facilities everywhere have now opened up. Masks, social distancing, and temperature checks are familiar in all these places. The courts are now open to the public, with trials being held in county courtrooms without mask requirements. Visitation has long returned at hospitals and even nursing homes. All state prisons and many jails have returned to in-person visitation, including jails in surrounding counties.

But not in Broome County. Why? Is it just stubbornness and meanness on the part of the Sheriff and the county executive and legislators who support and finance him?

Follow the money: how to profit from COVID

One suspects it is financial and political power at stake: there is too much money involved, and one dare not challenge the powerful and unchecked Sheriff, long backed by the County Executive and county legislators. Turning truth on its head, they will tell you visitation is too costly, it would require too many officers to reopen visitation.

What they won’t tell you is that it takes only 3 or 4 officers to staff the visitation room. And that Harder has a budget—over $30 million—that grows every year and now pays for over 190 correctional officers. And he hasn’t got three persons to manage visitation again?

Restricting in-person visitation has a financial logic: COVID was used to channel yet more money into Harder’s hands, some from the county coffers, and over $1 million from families of the incarcerated. How? Well, the county just gave him $7 million more from federal COVID recovery funds, money that might have been directed to the desperately needed and severely underfunded youth, mental health, and substance use programs.

Does any elected official take a look at Harder’s expenditures ? Despite protests by local activists, the jail was expanded in 2016, in order to increase its size to 600 beds, at a cost of another $7 million. In recent years the jail population has fallen from over 500 to below 300 local residents, of which less than 50 are convicted of any crime and serving time. One doesn’t need to look any further than the jail budget to find fiscal irresponsibility. How does funding inexorably get increased while the number incarcerated falls so significantly?

The result? The cost to incarcerate one person is now over $100,000 per year, more than double what it was five years ago.

Year $ per person

2016 $51,447

2017 $53,992

2018 $59,563

2019 $61,282

2020 $90,251

2021 $74,510

2022 $106,881 (Jan-June average)

For the cost of holding one person awaiting trial for a year on a misdemeanor charge, the county could send 17 local youth to SUNY-Broome tuition-free. That’s the price of excess policing, prosecution and incarceration.

And these figures don’t include the Sheriff’s personal slush funds, unaccounted for in the county budget, that nevertheless accumulated rapidly due to COVID. How so? With visitation closed, families turned to expensive phone and then video calls. While it costs less than 4 cents (a minute?) to call your family from a state prison, it costs 25 cents from Harder’s jail. And due to county contracts, the Sheriff skims off 44% of all phone call costs. More flows in from video calls, video viewing, and selling goods at unbelievable prices in commissary (and, yes, outside shipments from vendors were outlawed).

Profits from telephone calls alone doubled from 2019 to 2021, reaching over $1 million per year now, according to FOIL data. Video and commissary profits have to be added on top of that. All this flows into the Sheriff’s private hands. State laws require profits from commissary be spent on the rehabilitation of the incarcerated. So how is Harder allowed to spend his profits on armored personnel carriers, lawnmowers, and retirement parties? Of course, the county auditor won’t follow up. Is it any wonder that COVID has been so good to Harder’s personal piggy bank?

More losses coming, political and personal

JUST’s victory is a strike for justice for the poor and disproportionately Black residents who are channeled into the jail. It follows in the footsteps of a series of punishing state investigations and lawsuits lost by the county. And yet, the county may face more losses:

The Husar family filed a $5 million lawsuit over the wrongful death of their son
The beating of a Black/Latino youth is being contested in a court filing
The abuse of a trans women is contested in another suit

And so it goes…

Sheriff Harder is about to go too. State Senator Akshar, Harder’s former undersheriff and staunch Republican, for years stood by Harder’s side and openly proclaimed that he had an “unwavering commitment to do everything in my power to ensure that you remain the Broome County Sheriff”—until Akshar unilaterally announced Harder’s retirement at the Akshar for Sheriff campaign launch last year.

*Akshar kicking off Harder’s 2018 re-election campaign*

Harder wasn’t among the 75 local officials and Sheriffs in attendance, and hasn’t said anything publicly on the matter since. However, he donated his outstanding campaign funds to his current department spokesperson, Captain Newcomb, who switched party affiliation from Republican to Democrat and is running against Akshar.

So don’t expect much change at the jail, regardless of who wins: both candidates have long records of service in the secrecy and abuse that surrounds the jail. Both have been involved in local scandals as deputies under Harder. Local activists and lawyers are likely to stay busy well after the coming electoral season.

Akshar for Sheriff campaign launch 2021:
not a Harder in sight

Voter Suppression, BC Style

July 30, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

Last year Broome County was the center of national attention and endless robocalls, all focused on our swing-district, congressional race between Tenney and Brindisi—an election settled by a mere 109 votes. In Broome County, even a few votes win an election.

Getting out the vote under these conditions becomes a big campaign itself. So too is the game of suppressing or denying access to voting. This has been much in the news lately as some states limit access to registration, voting by mail, or weekend voting. It happens here too, where disenfranchisement has targeted far more persons than Tenney’s margin last year: the outright denial by county officials of voting rights to the hundreds of eligible voters held at the Broome County jail.

The vast majority of people in our county jails have a right to vote. You lose the right to vote if you are incarcerated for a felony. You don’t lose it if you are accused of a crime but not convicted, or if you are convicted of a misdemeanor. And those in the jail locally? Of the 335 persons housed in the jail last month, only 43 are reported as being convicted and sentenced for a crime, and that includes those convicted for misdemeanors. The vast majority are awaiting trial. Such persons often spend months and years in the jail. Statewide, there are almost 10,000 persons in jails outside NYC, and less than 20% are convicted and sentenced.

Voting should be simple: persons in the jail need information, access to registration and absentee ballot request forms, a stamped envelope to mail forms in, and the ability to later send in a mail-in ballot. The rules are clear, and the League of Women Voters has a straightforward voting guide for those who are or have been incarcerated for a felony. And yes, in some jails the rules for voting are posted, and volunteers visit to register persons. In a few jails, voting booths are made available right in the jail.

But not in Broome County.

The Sheriff refuses to permit any arrangement at all. In the past he has told persons to apply through the jail chaplain and the Broome Council of Churches, but this has proven impossible: persons are denied access. Persons inside have actually been threatened for asking about trying to vote.

The situation is well known to local voting experts and advocates, but not the public.

One doesn’t need to go to apartheid South Africa or the US South to see voting disenfranchisement: it is covert county policy. The postmark deadline for registering to vote for November’s elections is October 14^th. Long before that date we need county officials, elected representatives, and the Board of Elections to open the doors to voting for all in the county.

Broome County Jail’s Secret $ millions: profiting from COVID and incarcerated families

June 3, 2022 / Bill Martin / 2 Comments

Broome County devotes a large share of its budget to maintaining its reputation as having the highest incarceration rate among New York State’s 62 counties. The Sheriff alone gets over $30 million each year for his jail, even as the number of persons incarcerated there has steadily fallen in recent years. Meanwhile the official county budget for the jail increases year after year.

What remains unseen and unaccountable however is additional, rapidly growing funding on the scale of millions of dollars as COVID conditions have been exploited. And the most punishing and hidden funding comes directly from the poorest residents of the county—the families and friends of those incarcerated in the jail.

$7 million in COVID funding

Take for example last month’s County’s allocation of $7 million in Federal COVID recovery funds to reportedly “public safety revenue replacement.” Did these millions go to public health, housing, infrastructure, or youth employment recovery? Far from it: a freedom-of-information (FOIL) request reveals they were sent directly to the Sheriff’s budget for correctional officers—even as the jail, built and expanded to hold 600 persons, now holds less 300 local residents and only 42 persons convicted and sentenced for a crime. How and why $7 million? We don’t know.

Unseen Cell Profits by the $ millions

Even more hidden and unaccountable are the profits generated in recent years by selling cells to the Federal government and other local Sheriffs. Last month the jail housed 25 persons for the federal government, for example, and received $100 to $300 per day for each. That’s $ millions in cell profits over time, not counting payments for holding persons for other counties.

Preying on incarcerated families: another $1 million+ ?

Most punishing are the funds charged to the incarcerated and their family and friends. COVID has had a dramatic impact here as well. Unable to visit in person and desperate to talk to their loved ones, families have been forced to pay for both telephone and video calls. For the Sheriff it’s a lucrative enterprise, as county contracts dictate high commissions to be paid directly to the Sheriff to be used as he decides. Here too it took a FOIL request to uncover the contracts and revenues, and how they were spent behind closed doors.

The pages attached here contain the response from the Broome County Sheriff to the FOIL request that asked for telephone and video revenues for 2019, 2020, and 2021. County contracts dictate that the Sheriff rake offs 44% of all costs from telephone calls to/from the jail, and 20% for all video tablet use (both calls and content). The figures supplied by FOIL show the commission payments to the Sheriff (but exclude the GTL shares, which means that the total charges for families are much larger (2.27 x larger for telephone calls and 5 times larger for video)).

As reported by the Sheriff, telephone calls alone generated these commissions, and by extrapolation the calculated total cost that includes the GTL share (based on the contract commission rate).

	Sheriff’s Commission $	Estimated Commission plus GTL charge $
2019	303,722	690,360
2020	309,779	704,129
2021	528,900	1,202,190

Are these excessive costs? You judge. The rate for a one minute phone call for persons in

State prisons: 3.9 cent
Broome County Jail: 25 cents

To the telephone figures one must add profits from video calls.

It need not be this way: one could have open competitive contracts, eliminate commission fees, or even drop fees for telephone calls as some jails have done (comparative jail rates are available from the striking reports generated by www.prisonpolicy.org ). Meanwhile all state prisons and surrounding jails have restored in-person visits, which Sheriff Harder refuses to do—ensuring a continuing flow of profits under his control.

And where did the Sheriff spend these funds? As reported elsewhere, telephone and video profits were spent on everything from retirement party banners to a second, $273,000 armored personnel carrier.

Broome County Bearcat, funded by the incarcerated

Super profits from Commissary

And even that is not enough. Cut off from families, and denied access to outside vendors, those languishing in the county jail under COVID became even more dependent upon food, hygiene products, and other basic goods purchased from the jail commissary run by a private corporation—and from which the Sheriff skims off yet more profits.

State regulations dictate that profits be modest and be spent on the welfare and rehabilitation of the incarcerated. As the attached foil demonstrates, under COVID profits accelerated by 50% to over $300,000 a year–and were spent on purchases that had nothing to do with rehabilitation or welfare, from carpeting and vacuum cleaners, to religious plays, to gardening supplies and lawn tractors. When Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier in 2019 asked the County Executive and State Commission of Correction to investigate these misappropriations, they declined to respond–as did the NYS Attorney General and Comptroller to whom copies were sent.

Demanding Oversight

The lesson here is straightforward: excessive $ millions are secretly spent every year on the jail, much directly taken from the pockets of the poorest Broome county residents. There is no accountability, no county or state oversight. The solution? Independent community oversight.

Broome County’s Militarized Bearcats: what do they do and who funded them?

May 29, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

What is a Bearcat? Mention the word in Binghamton and most will think of the mascot of SUNY-Binghamton’s sports teams.

For police chiefs and the sheriff it’s another animal altogether: an armored personnel carrier, most often used to carry SWAT teams into action or counter civil protest. And where there was one, there are now two.

Produced by the Lenco Corp for military use worldwide, BearCats are personnel carriers with armored steel bodies, ballistic glass capable of multiple high-powered weapon hits, and blast-resistant floors. The first local BearCat was obtained in 2019 by the Binghamton Police Department and introduced with celebration by the Republican Mayor, the Democratic County Executive, and our Republican State Senator:

Mayor David, State Senator Akshar, County Executive Garnar and BPD BearCat team

The City was playing catch up here: over five years earlier the Broome County Sheriff got himself an armored personnel carrier, a surplus apartheid war machine, a South African Casspir:

Not to be outdone by the City, Sheriff Harder has apparently retired the Casspir and purchased his own BearCat for his own SWAT team–at the cost of $273,000.

It isn’t clear at all what such a war vehicle will do. Last year the Broome SWAT team was primarily used for drug raids on unarmed persons—and the constant policing of protests and parades. Indeed, the most notable use of the BearCat according to the Sheriff’s own annual report was its dispatch to a Black Lives Matter protest in Troy NY (2020 Annual Report, p. 36).

And where did the $273,000 come from? You won’t find it in Broome County Budget sheets. It took a freedom-of information request to find the source: the pockets of the poorest residents of the county, those incarcerated in the Sheriff’s jail.

Out of sight and unmonitored, the Sheriff reaps huge profits from running a monopoly telephone and video exchange for those incarcerated in the jail. A 15 minute call that costs 65 cents from a state prison costs at least $3.75 from the Broome jail and can run up to $9.95 with setup and billing charges. The Sheriff skims off 44% of revenues from all telphone calls and 20% of all video tablet use. Profits in 2020 came to $373,000 and paid for everything from the BearCat to retirement party banners to outfitting conference rooms. Under COVID, profits rose to $655,000 in 2021.

These revenues rest on the exploitation of families desperate to remain in contact with loved ones locked behind closed doors, out of sight. As state and local authorities relax COVID restrictions it is harder and harder to justify keeping in-person visitation closed. State prisons have long ago reinstated in-person visitation with social distancing. County jails across the state, including those in nearby counties, have done the same. In an effort to force the same, Justice and Unity for the Southern Tier and families of the incarcerated have filed a lawsuit with the assistance of Legal Services of Central NY demanding a return to family visits.

Sheriff Harder has refused to comment, so far. County officials are silent as well.

The Sheriff and County have lost a regular series of lawsuits over wrongful deaths and the abuse of the incarcerated, and face ongoing lawsuits over the beating of youth, another death, and the abuse of trans women in the jail. Those with family members in the jail look forward to JUST winning this lawsuit

It will not be easy to deter the militarization of local police forces: State Senator Akshar, sponsor of the Binghamton BearCat, recently announced the retirement of Sheriff Harder and his candidacy to replace Harder (Harder himself has said nothing). His democratic opponent is, like Akshar, a veteran Sheriff’s Deputy and long-term Harder supporter.

Commentaries on Local Justice by Bill Martin

Hear no evil, See no white supremacy

May 18, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

In an interview with USA Today, Broome County District Attorney Michael Korchak defended his inaction over white supremacist threats. It was up to the Susquehanna Valley school and the State Police, and not his office he said, to act on the mass shooting threats made by student Payton Gendron:

“The school did what they were supposed to do and called state police” Korchak said. “And state police did what they were supposed to do and referred him for a mental health evaluation”… “What more could have been done?”

Indeed. What more?

There is more than a bit of white-washing going on here.

Perhaps Korchak has forgotten that he funds retired police officers’ jobs in schools all around Broome County—including in the Susquehanna School District where a former Vestal Police officer and SWAT team leader has worked for 12 years as a school resource officer. What does all this policing and surveillance directed by his office produce?

Korchak is not alone for policing Broome’s schools is big business. Last December Broome County Sheriff Harder, who runs his own school officers, responded to reports of social media threats by reassuring the public and press that there was “no evidence” behind the rumors. Local school officials did the same.

People and the press need to ask questions.

What do these police officers patrolling schools do, day in and day out? Perhaps they don’t hear or report violent threats from within the school? Do they not know when the State Police are investigating their students? Or perhaps they are incapable of hearing, much less acting on, violent racist threats?

Might their training and experience in all-white police forces be a factor?

Or are they simply representing and enforcing the county’s racialized record of arrests, prosecution, and incarceration?

The Color of Justice
Broome County Black Incarceration Rate: 2,076
Broome County white incarceration rate: 292
NYS white incarceration rate: 158
NYS Black Incarceration Rate: 1,123

2018 Rate/100,000. Source: Vera

Or might racist behavior be the norm and legitimized? Reports from inside the county jail are especially grim, as in one man’s statement to a local activist organization that

“I’ve been called Nxxxx, monkey, and other degrading names… when we speak up we get punished by being put in the Box… animals get treated better than Broome County inmates.”

Its a common report by incarcerated Black persons. A licensed clinical psychologist with over 25 years of experience in juvenile correctional settings testified in a recent lawsuit that “youth spoke of the Correctional Officers carrying batons they used to beat the kids; they reported that the COs refer to the baton as their ‘nxxx beaters’.” The Sheriff and County lost that lawsuit.

Another ongoing lawsuit recounts how a local teenager was stripped and beaten while being told “do what you’re told, N-word”).

Might it be that constant protests and lawsuits against overtly racist behavior by city, county, and university police and schools need to be recognized and pursued?

And these are only a sample of the cases that have been publicly reported in the press and to county legislators, the NYS Attorney General’s office, and elected officials.

***

There is a lesson here that local and state officials are working mightily to cover up: the problem of racism cannot be isolated to “exceptional” or “evil” individuals, it is systemic, reproduced daily by the forces and administrations of the city, county, and state.

Fears of Crime and Reform

April 10, 2022 / Bill Martin / 0 Comments

On Violence in Broome County: Why is gun violence increasing? And crime not?

That’s a paradox that you won’t hear from local media or elected officials. The stories they bleat at us repeat a fearful line: violent crime is escalating and threatens us all, daily. And people across the county and state clearly have a heightened fear of crime as a result. Sheriffs, police chiefs, and elected officials now amplify this fear to demand we rollback criminal justice reforms and refill emptying jails and prisons. But have criminal justice reforms had this effect, and what do we do?

Sheriff Harder and Regional Sheriffs vs. Reforms

Bail reforms passed in 2019 eliminated bail for most misdemeanor and non-violent charges. Opponents propose new legislation to grant judges more autonomous power to incarcerate “dangerous” persons and imprison those with substance use and mental health problems. State Senator Frederick Akshar and past Binghamton Mayor Richard David have launched a statewide campaign towards this end, as have current Sheriff David Harder and regional Sheriffs.

Rolling back reforms would be accompanied by more funding for police, prosecution, and incarceration. New York’s New Mayor Adams and President Biden agree. Governor Hochul and conservative Democrats, including Broome County Executive Jason Garnar, have conceded and proposed their own 10 point program to rollback recent reforms.

None of these advocates for more incarceration have produced systematic evidence or analysis of the impact of reform to support their legislative proposals. Simply put, the facts and data we have don’t match these fearful visions—as suggested by the seeming paradox between fears of rising crime and actual crime rates. To unpack these contradictions we need to take a straightforward look at crime and violence.

Crime? What Crime?

Start with the crime situation. New York State statistics show that index (serious) crime rates for Broome County have steadily declined over the last four decades and actually fell significantly from 2017 to 2020 (2021 county figures are not yet released).

Source: NYS, Division of Criminal Justice Services

The apex violent crime, murder, is rare in Broome County, averaging but five a year over the last thirty years, including the last five years. Robbery, property theft, burglaries, and motor vehicle theft are also down over the last five to ten years.

One conclusion: the propagated fear of a widespread crime wave due to bail and other reforms doesn’t match the reality we face.

What has notably increased in the last year is the incidence of gun violence. This reverses recent downward trends: state data for the City of Binghamton show that the number of persons injured or killed by gun violence fell from 7 to 4 over 2017 to 2020, but rose to 11 and 14 respectively in 2021.

Broome County is not exceptional here: similar increases have been reported from around the country.

Here we have problem.

Why? Guns, Poverty, Policy

Why is gun violence up? And what might be done about it?

There is little if any evidence that reforms have systematically produced more violent crime. Increases in gun violence have occurred equally in city and states that have and have not adopted bail and related reforms. Data analysis from the Brennan Center concludes simply that “there is no clear connection between recent crime increases and the bail reform law enacted in 2019, and the data does not currently support further revisions to the legislation.” Revised state data are more explicit, confirming that less than 2% of nearly 100,000 released related to the state’s changed bail laws resulted in a rearrest on a violent felony charge while another case was pending. And that’s down from nearly 4 percent from the prior data set.

Would locking up more persons help, as the blustery rhetoric of politicians insists? The clear answer is no. Indeed a good case can be made that jail time increases crime and violence. When people get sent to jail to await trial, overwhelmingly for misdemeanor charges, they most often lose their jobs, apartments and belongings, and become unable to support themselves or their family. Jailing the poor generates poverty, homelessness, and social instability–while the powerful and wealthy post bail and go home from court to their families.

There are many local examples, although few make it in to press. Charged with 87 accounts of bank fraud for kiting 3,600 checks, local billionaire Adam Weitsman awaited trial at home (and was able to afford to settle with a $1 million federal fine and 8 months in prison out of a possible 30 year sentence). As the local Press and Sun-Bulletin editorialized on the case, “the US justice system has long been more lenient with ‘clever businessmen’ than street criminals” (January 16, 2004, p.10) Senator Thomas Libous, charged with a felony account of lying to the FBI, and his son Mathew charged with federal tax fraud, awaited trial at home as well by each paying $50,000 bail. Absent reform, this is how the system works: the poor go to jail and the rich go home. We see these disparities every day in local courts. Bail reform for misdemeanors and non-violent felonies has begun to correct these inequities.

Has “defunding the police,” that vilified phrase, led to a permissive crime spree? Despite all the fearful talk by politicians and law enforcement officials, funding for the police, prosecutors, and the courts has increased everywhere. Defunding certainly hasn’t happened in Broome County where the number of deputies and district attorneys and funding for them has steadily increased under both Republican and Democratic County Executives—despite falling crime and a drop in the daily jail count from over 500 local persons to below 300 recently. The use of force by police has hardly been hamstrung despite the wave of protests before, during and after Black Lives Matter. Far from it: the number of persons killed by police has steadily risen across the county and set a record number in 2021.

Common sense and work by justice studies scholars point to more plausible forces behind increasing violence and particularly gun violence. In all these areas we need more hard-headed research.

Weapons matter as scholars, police and their critics all agree. A recent profusion of guns into our streets and cities has been noted by many. That’s certainly true locally. Almost ten years ago the County Sheriff reported 23,000 pistol permits alone, and the number has been rising significantly recently. Neither local nor state authorities release data on guns, so the trend is hard to analyze. What we do know is that rising gun purchases nationwide during the covid outbreak have been directly associated with rising violence.

Rising unemployment and poverty, sub-standard wages, and a lack of housing and basic services have long been recognized as correlates of increased insecurity and violence. Broome County is especially susceptible along these dimensions: our poverty rate is the second highest of the state’s 62 counties. Affordable housing is in very short supply as regularly reported by the press and local activists. Homelessness has reportedly increased over 200% in the last decade. And as with incarceration, these factors are directly correlated with not just poverty but race.

And almost all analysts point to the as yet uncertain impact of COVID, which considerably exacerbated the sources and likelihood of conflict. It should not surprise us that even road rage shootings are double what they were prior to the pandemic. As we all know personally, social isolation and the ever-present threat of serious illness and death have heightened the levels of anxiety, anger, and conflict that exacerbate violence. These factors overlap with poverty, coalescing as in the past in poor neighborhoods, where rising levels of violence have often been concentrated.

What is to be done?

What has worked? There is almost no evidence that more policing, already at historically high levels, offers relief. Police invariably enter after shootings and violence, and lack the ability and resources to treat persons in mental or substance use distress. Introducing armed and uniformed persons to confront unarmed persons undergoing a psychotic crisis all too often results in more violence and even death—as occurred in the only incident resulting in the death of a county or municipal officer in near twenty years.[i]

What might alleviate social causes of violence has been an increasing concern nationwide. In both large and small cities innovative projects exist, often with proven track records. Two examples demonstrate the work being done.

Most common and effective have been community-based violence interrupter programs that have spread across the country with documented success. Composed of trusted survivors of youth and gun violence, interrupters unlike police are skilled and trained community members who intervene and reach out to those at the center of gun violence. Interrupters work to address incipient conflicts in their neighborhoods through non-violent means—and provide links to supportive services for housing, education, and employment.

Locality, trust, and respect matter here. Interrupters come from and live in their disadvantaged neighborhoods. This is in stark contrast to local police departments and the county sheriff, who have few members from or live in Black, Latinx, or disadvantaged communities (Broome County has even removed the requirement that county employees including officers live in the county).

A second group of new programs tackle how to work with persons in mental health and substance use distress. Currently police are the first responders, and the local jail has become the de facto mental health and substance use treatment center—a process that cannot but fail to address root causes as indicated by ever-rising substance use and deaths in and outside the jail. Cities across the state and county are increasingly relying trained mental health and substance use response teams which call upon police only in the infrequent cases involving weapons. These project take different forms, from independent and community-based stabilization centers for those in distress, to teams of street-level mental health and substance use social workers on call and dispatched by 911 and other agencies.

Providing alternatives to law enforcement are critical for persons in distress and conflict—including both victims and survivors. Many in our poorer and most marginalized communities are unwilling to access services directed by or tied to the police—as is current the case in Broome County where current and former police direct mental health outreach services. This reluctance is particularly the case among Black, Latinx, LGBTQ, immigrant and domestic violence survivors.

Moving Forward

In recent weeks, social workers and community activists have pressed the Governor and elected officials to abandon the failed policing and incarceration projects of the past, and turn to long-term, community-centered responses to harm and violence. The recent call from over 100 organizations across the state laid this out clearly: invest $1 billion in community-led gun violence programs and other victim and survivor services. This past month Black-led marchers against gun violence in Harlem demanded the same. We need to abandon the incarceration policies that have failed us in the past and pursue more productive and just policies in the coming years. Wise policymakers and representatives realize we can’t afford to do otherwise.

Harlem March vs. Gun Violence Feb 3 2022

Notes

[i] The reference here is to the tragic case of Johnson City Officer David Smith confronting James Clark, an unarmed medical technician undergoing a psychotic break outside Wilson Hospital in Johnson City in 2014. Clark was able to seize Officer Smith’s gun and kill Smith; Clark was then shot and killed by Officer Louis Cioci. A 204 page investigation by the police force itself produced no explanation; the family of Clark sued Binghamton and Johnson City for failing to follow protocols and training on how to handle persons in mental distress. Smith was the last local county or municipal police officer to be killed while on duty since 2002 (Binghamton, Johnson City, Endicott, Vestal, Whitney Point, Broome County Sheriff).

A related op-ed was published in the Binghamton Press & Sun-Bulletin, April 10, 2022

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Binghamton Press and Sun-Bulletin Op-Ed, 11/15/2024

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Hochul’s Watching You (and so is your local PD)

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NYCLU sues SCOC

Taej’on Vega Wins ‘I can’t breathe’ vs Broome County

Binghamton, Slavery, and the Unfinished Business of Juneteenth

As crime and incarceration goes down in NY, why are costs going up?

Broome County’s ARPA Bonanza: Who Captured the $37 million?

Policing Kids: Revisiting School Officers 2023

Broome’s Schools & the Cost of Fear, May 4, 2019

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Where’s the Sheriff? In Contempt of the Supreme Court

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Harder Loses (again)

Voter Suppression, BC Style

Broome County Jail’s Secret $ millions: profiting from COVID and incarcerated families

Broome County’s Militarized Bearcats: what do they do and who funded them?

Hear no evil, See no white supremacy

Fears of Crime and Reform

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