Commentaries on Local Justice by Bill Martin

Month: June 2020

Militarizing police needs to stop (2014 reprint)

reprint from 2014 BGM Published 12:44 a.m. ET Aug. 28, 2014 |

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(Photo: AP)

In the 1980s in South Africa, I witnessed firsthand the apartheid state’s ferocious attempt to crush rebellion in local townships and wars with neighboring states. Central to this effort was the South African Defence Force’s home-grown equipment, most notably Casspirs, armed personnel carriers designed to shelter white troops from stone-throwing students at home and roadside bombs in neighboring states. One of them crushed to death one of the most promising black graduate students I ever met there.

Almost 40 years later, I was shocked to see that one of these Casspirs, after service in South Africa and then Afghanistan, had found a new home in Broome County courtesy of the 1033 federal program that has transferred used military equipment to local law enforcement agencies all across the country. Broome County and local police have added to their equipment inventories not only the Casspir but also armored Humvees, large military trucks, night vision equipment and a wide assortment of military rifles.

These are weapons of war, not policing — and as in Ferguson, Mo., their possession inevitably triggers military responses to civil protest, which in turn only magnifies violent resistance. State officials in Missouri eventually realized this and replaced the militarized city police with state police, who quickly removed this equipment from the streets. This is a lesson being debated now around the country. It is equally hard to see where military equipment, repaired and maintained at considerable expense, has any use here. Improvised explosive devices (IEDs) have yet to be spotted on our streets. Equally absent are armed, infiltrating guerillas (from neighboring Canada to the north or Mexico to the south?).

More serious is the response to protest with excessive force and a warrior mentality. This is not mere speculation. Protests in Binghamton over racial harassment downtown in the last year and charges of racial profiling and brutality by individual police officers over the years, raise this prospect and draw the comparison with Ferguson ever closer. What we need, as in Ferguson, is not a militarized and isolated police force, but one that engages, interacts and is responsible to the local community.

Martin, a Johnson City resident, is longtime resident of Broome County and a professor in the sociology department at Binghamton University.

Defunding Police Budgets

Mayor Richard David, State Senator Frederick Akshar and the BPD Swat team with their new “Bearcat”

As continuous rallies show, Broome County residents have joined the national movement to defund bloated police and incarceration budgets. Local commercial media are now rushing to respond, broadcasting on how impossible it is to lower police funding. This morning WBNG reports that while police budgets are a significant share of local municipality budgets, little change can be expected. Why? “None of the municipal leaders interviewed for this story outright supported the idea.” 

Johnson City’s Mayor said his police department is already frugal, while Binghamton’s Mayor Richard David declaimed that no changes in the budget could be made. Broome County Executive Jason Garner told WBNG that “the county sheriff’s office’s budget has remained stable over the past few years and accounts for a low percentage of the overall budget.”  Endicott Mayor Jackson was blunter:  “They’re taking away our guns, and now they’re taking away our police”!

City and county budgets can be confusing.  Yet a little investigation would help here.  Funding under Mayor David for the largest police force, the Binghamton Police Department (BPD), has been increasing year after year despite falling crime rates.

Take the largest budget: the Sheriff’s budget of $40 million.  Can any of that be cut? Is it all necessary? The largest proportion is for the jail, which was expanded in 2015, despite community protests, at a cost of $7 million. It is designed and staffed to incarcerate 600 persons.  Last month it held 277 persons. Expenses are out of control:  $30 million annually for a jail at half capacity, housing only 27 convicted persons, and still budgeted for $2.5 million of overtime pay?

And contrary to County Executive Garnar’s claims, funding has not been “stable.” Far from it. Every year Garnar has added new officers, highlighting five new officers in his 2020 budget announcement alone. As detailed here earlier, the jail budget has rapidly increased in every budget Garnar has proposed and the legislature has approved. It’s a longstanding trend under both Democratic and Republican County Executives in the mass incarceration era.

Dig a little deeper into distant capital and other budget lines and you find more suspect $ millions. Does the Sheriff really need $250,000 this year, almost every year, for new vehicles? Do the City of Binghamton and the Sheriff really need multiple armored personnel carriers? To do what? These are weapons of war. Has anyone counted the pension costs for hundreds of surplus jail officers? Should we continue to spend well over $1 million a year on cops in schools across the county, rather than on teachers and counselors?

In sum, the claims of our elected officials don’t hold up. We have bloated incarceration and policing budgets.  Its time for a change.

A truck that is driving down the road

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Can we scrap it? Used to patrol South African townships during Apartheid. Now patrolling Broome County.

Defund the Police: Sheriff

For Broome County, its been quite simple: year after year, by Republicans and Democrats alike, funding for the county sheriff has been aggressively expanded particularly for the massive jail complex.  Year after year the number of guards and the jail budget have grown.

In 2014 county legislators voted for a $7million expansion of the jail despite protests.  They built a jail and staffed it with officers to incarcerate 600 persons daily. 

Yet despite the best efforts of city and county police, district attorneys, and local judges to incarcerate as many local residents and especially as many Black men as possible, the official crime rate has been falling.  Propelled in part by growing pressure by community organizations, the number of incarcerated persons is falling. In recent months the jail has held fewer than 300 persons. It’s half empty.

And now big budget cuts are coming to the state and county. 

Here is one place to start: defund the jail.  It is a threat to public safety.

Last month only 34 persons of the 277 housed in the jail were convicted of any crime.  And for this we pay $30 million a year? 

The vast majority inside are arrested for misdemeanors.  And by all accounts a majority have been criminalized for substance use and mental health diseases.  Many more have disabilities.  Instead of treatment they get locked down and punished, and come home to us in much worse health.  And now the jail is a local hotspot for incubating the coronavirus among not just the incarcerated, but also the hundreds of guards and medical and food staff who daily move into and out of the sheriff’s complex and then into the community.

It is really quite simple:  defund the jail and use the funds for community-based and controlled health and education services that have been so severely cut by successive county administrations.

JUST the Facts: Black Youth

School Board Protest 2019

A reader asked for figures today on local youth and education, recalling past postings here. After yesterday’s impressive rally organized and led by Binghamton High School students we might ask again:

For Binghamton:

  • Why are Black students in the Binghamton school district suspended at a rate 2 ½ times more than white students?
  • Why do we have a 26% drop rate for Black students at Binghamton High School?
  • Why is the Black drop out rate 50% higher than the white rate?

For Broome County, Black youth are 10 % of local youth. Why are they:

  • over 40 percent of those classified as Juvenile Offenders?
  • over 40% of the youth surveilled by family court?
  • almost 50 % of the youth tied to probation?

The end result: a county incarceration rate for Black residents over 2,000 per 100,000 (vs. 270 for whites).

From The Binghamton School to Prison Pipeline (January 2019)

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